Sir William Petty, The Economic Writings of Sir William Petty, vol. 2 [1681]

Edition used:

The Economic Writings of Sir William Petty, together with The Observations upon Bills of Mortality, more probably by Captain John Graunt, ed. Charles Henry Hull (Cambridge University Press, 1899), 2 vols.

Author: Sir William Petty

Editor: Charles Henry Hull

About this title:

Vol. 2 includes writings about the cities of London, Dublin, Paris, and Rome, as well as on money.

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Petty to Southwell, July, 1687, from the Marquis of Lansdowne's MSS. at Bowood.

Petty to Southwell, July, 1687, from the Marquis of Lansdowne's MSS. at Bowood.

Tuesday, June 20. 1665.
At a Meeting of the Council of the
Royal Society.

Ordered,

THat the Observations upon the Bills of Mortality by Mr. John Graunt be Printed by John Martyn and James Allestry, Printers to the Royal Society.

BROUNCKER, Pres.

Natural and Political
OBSERVATIONS
Mentioned in a following INDEX,
and made upon the
Bills of Mortality.

BY
Capt. JOHN GRAUNT,
Fellow of the Royal Society.

With reference to the Government, Religion,
Trade, Growth, Air, Diseases, and the several
Changes of the said CITY .

—Non, me ut miretur Turba, laboro,
Contentus paucis Lectoribus.—

The Fifth Edition, much Enlarged .

LONDON,
Printed by John Martyn, Printer to the Royal Society,
at the Sign of the Bell in St. Paul's Church-yard.
MDCLXXVI.

NOTE ON GRAUNT's “OBSERVATIONS.”

Concerning the disputed authorship of the Observations see the Introduction. No MSS. of the book are known.

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
JOHN Lord ROBERTS ,
Baron of Truro, Lord Privy Seal,
and one of His Majesties most Honourable
Privy Council.

My Lord,

AS the favours I have received from your Lordship oblige me to present you with some token of my gratitude: so the especial Honour I have ‖ for your Lordship hath made me solicitous in the choice of the Present. For, if I could have given your Lordship any choice Excerptions out of the Greek or Latin Learning, I should (according to our English Proverb) thereby but carry Coals to Newcastle, and but give your Lordship Puddle-water, who, by your own eminent Knowledge in those learned Languages, can drink out of the very Fountains yourself.

Moreover, to present your Lordship with tedious Narrations, ‖ were but to speak my own Ignorance of the Value, which His Majesty, and the Publick, have of your Lordship's Time. And in brief, to offer any thing like what is already in other Books, were but to derogate from your Lordships learning, which the world knows to be universal, and unacquainted with few useful things contained in any of them.

Now having (I know not by what accident) engaged my thoughts upon the Bills of Mortality, and so far succeeded ‖ therein, as to have reduced several great confused Volumes into a few perspicuous Tables, and abridged such Observations as naturally flowed from them, into a few succinct Paragraphs, without any long Series of multiloquious Deductions, I have presumed to sacrifice these my small, but first publish'd, Labours unto your Lordship, as unto whose benign acceptance of some other of my Papers , even the birth of these is due; hoping (if I may without vanity say it) they may be of as much use to persons in your Lordships place, as they are of little or none to me, which is no more than the fairest Diamonds are to the Journeymen Jeweller that works them, or the poor Labourer that first digg'd them from the Earth. For, with all humble submission to your Lordship, I conceive, That it doth not ill become a Peer of the Parliament or Member of his Majesties Council, to consider how few starve of the many that beg: That the irreligious Proposals of some, to multiply people ‖ by Polygamy, is withal irrational, and fruitless: That the troublesome seclusions in the Plague-time are not a remedy to be purchased at vast inconveniences : That the greatest Plagues of the City are equally, and quickly repaired from the Country: That the wasting of Males by Wars and Colonies do not prejudice the due proportion between them and Females: That the opinions of Plagues accompanying the Entrance of Kings, is false, and seditious: That London, the Metropolis of England, ‖ is perhaps a Head too big for the Body , and possibly too strong: That this Head grows three times as fast as the Body unto which it belongs; that is, It doubles its People in a third part of the time: That our Parishes are now grown madly disproportionable: That our Temples are not sutable to our Religion: That the Trade, and very City of London, removes Westward: That the walled City is but a fifth of the whole Pyle: That the old Streets are unfit for the present frequency of Coaches: ‖ That the passage of Ludgate is a throat too streight for the Body: That the fighting men about London are able to make three as great Armies as can be of use in this Island: That the number of Heads is such, as hath certainly much deceived some of our Senators in their appointments of Poll-money , &c. Now, although your Lordship's most excellent Discourses have well informed me, That your Lordship is no stranger to these Positions; yet because I knew not, that your Lordship had ever deduced ‖ them from the Bills of Mortality, I hoped it might not be ungrateful to your Lordship, to see unto how much profit that one Talent might be improved, besides the many curiosities concerning the waxing and waning of Diseases, the relation between healthful and fruitful Seasons, the difference between the City and the Country Air, &c. All which being new, to the best of my knowledge, and the whole Pamphlet not two hours reading, I did make bold to trouble your Lordship with a perusal ‖ of it, and by this humble Dedication of it, let your Lordship and the world see the Wisdom of our City, in appointing and keeping these Accompts, and with how much affection and success, I am,

My Lord,

Birchen-lane,

25 January, 166½.

Your Lordships most obedient, and most faithful Servant,

JOHN GRAUNT. ‖

To the Honourable

SrRobert Moray , Knight, One of His
Majestie's Privy Council for His Kingdom
of Scotland, and President of the Royal
Society of Philosophers meeting at Gresham-
Colledg, and to the rest of that honourable
Society.

TheObservations which I happened to make (for I designed them not) upon the Bills of Mortality, have faln out to be both Political and Natural, some concerning Trade and Government, others concerning the Air, ‖ Countries, Seasons, Fruitfulness, Health, Diseases, Longevity, and the proportions between the Sex and Ages of Mankind. All which (because Sir Francis Bacon reckons his Discourses of Life and Death to be Natural History ; and because I understand your selves are also appointing means, how to measure the Degrees of Heat, Wetness, and Windiness in the several Parts of His Majestie's Dominions) I am humbly bold to think Natural History also, and consequently that I am obliged to cast in this small Mite into your great Treasury of that kind.

His Majesty being not only by ancient Right supreamly concerned in matters of Government and Trade, but also by happy accident Prince of Philosophers, and of Physico-Mathematical Learning, not called so by Flatters and Parasites, ‖ but really so, as well by his own personal Abilities, as Affection concerning those matters; upon which account I should have humbly dedicated both sorts of my Observations unto His most Sacred Majesty: but, to be short, I knew neither my Work nor my Person fit to bear His Name, nor to deserve His Patronage. Nevertheless, as I have presumed to present this Pamphlet, so far as it relates to Government and Trade, to one of His Majestie's Peers, and eminent Ministers of State: so I do desire your leave to present the same unto You also, as it relates to Natural History, and as it depends upon the Mathematicks of my Shop-Arithmetick. For You are not only His Majestie's Privy Council for Philosophy, but also His Great Council. You are the three Estates, viz. the Mathematical, Mechanical, ‖ and Physical. Your are his Parliament of Nature; and it is no less disparagement to the meanest of your number, to say there may be Commoners as well as Peers in Philosophy amongst you. For my own part, I count it happiness enough to my self, that there is such a Council of Nature, as your Society is, in Being; and I do with as much earnestness enquire after your Expeditions against the Impediments of Science, as to know what Armies and Navies the several Princes of the World are setting forth. I concern my self as much to know who are Curatours of this or the other Experiment as to know who are Mareschals of France, or Chancellor of Sweden. I am as well pleased to hear you are satisfied in a luciferous Experiment, as that a breach hath been made in the Enemie's Works: and ‖ your ingenious arguings immediately from sense, and fact, are as pleasant to me as the noise of victorious Guns and Trumpets.

Moreover, as I contend for the Decent Rights and Ceremonies of the Church, so I also contend against the envious Schismaticks of your Society (who think you do nothing unless you presentlytransmute Metals, make Butter and Cheese without Milk; and (as their own Ballad hath it) make Leather without Hides ) by asserting the usefulness of even all your preparatory and luciferous Experiments, being not the Ceremonies, but the substance and principles of useful Arts. For, I find in Trade the want of an universal measure, and have heard Musicians wrangle about the just and uniform keeping of time in their Consorts, ‖ and therefore cannot with patience hear, that your Labours about Vibrations, eminently conducing to both, should be slighted, nor your Pendulacalled Swingswangs with scorn. Nor can I better endure, that your Exercitations about Air should be termed fit imployment only for Airy Fancies, and not adequate Tasks for the most solid and piercing heads. This is my Opinion concerning you: and although I am none of your number, nor have the least ambition to be so, otherwise than to become ablefor your service, and worthy of your Trust; yet I am covetous to have the right of being represented by you: to which end I desire, that this little Exhibition of mine may be looked upon as a Free-holder's Vote for the choosing of Knights and Burgesses to sit in the Parliament of Nature, meaning thereby, ‖ that as the Parliament owns a Free-holder, though he hath but forty shillings a year, to be one of them; so in the same manner and degree, I also desire to be owned as one of you, and that no longer than I continue a faithful Friend and Servant of your Designs and Persons.

J. G.

THE PREFACE.

HAving been born, and bred in the City of London, and having always observed, that most of them. who constantly took in the weekly Bills of Mortality, made little other use of them, than to look at the foot, how the Burials increased, or decreased; and, among the Casualties, what had happened rare, and extraordinary in the week current: so as they might take the same as a Text to talk upon in the next Company; and withal, in the ‖ Plague-time, how the Sickness increased, or decreased, that so the Rich might judg of the necessity of their removal, and Trades-men might conjecture what doings they were like to have in their respective dealings:

2.Now, I thought that the Wisdom of our City had certainly designed the laudable practice of taking, and distributing these Accompts, for other, and greater uses, than those above-mentioned, or at least, that some other uses might be made of them: and thereupon I casting mine Eye upon so many of the General Bills, as next came to hand, I found encouragement from ‖ them, to look out all the Bills I could, and (to be short) to furnish my self with as much matter of that kind, even as the Hall of the Parish-Clarks could afford me; the which when I had reduced into Tables (the Copies whereof are here inserted) so as to have a view of the whole together, in order to the more ready comparing of one Year, Season, Parish, or other Division of the City, with another, in respect of all the Burials, and Christnings, and of all the Diseases, and Casualties, happening in each of them respectively; I did then begin not only to examine the Conceits, Opinions, ‖ and Conjectures, which upon view of a few scattered Bills I had taken up; but did also admit new ones, as I found reason, and occasion from my Tables.

3.Moreover, finding some Truths, and not commonly-believed Opinions, to arise from my Meditations upon these neglected Papers, I proceeded further, to consider what benefit the knowledg of the same would bring to the World; that I might not engage my self in idle, and useless Spcculations: but, (like those Noble Virtuosi of Gresham-Colledg, who reduce their subtile Disquisitions upon Nature into ‖ downright Mechanical uses) present the World with some real Fruit from those airy Blossoms.

4.How far I have succeeded in the Premisses, I now offer to the World's censure. Who, I hope, will not expect from me, not professing Letters, things demonstrated with the same certainty, wherewith Learned men determine in their Schools; but will take it well, that I should offer at a new thing, and could forbear presuming to meddle where any of the Learned Pens have ever touched before, and that I have taken the pains, and been at the charge of setting out those Tables, ‖ whereby all men may both correct my Positions, and raise others of their own. For herein, I have, like a silly School-boy, coming to say my Lesson to the World (that Peevish, and Tetchy Master) brought a bundle of Rods, wherewith to be whip'd for every mistake I have committed. ‖

Natural and Political OBSERVATIONS, &c.

CHAP. I.

Of the Bills of Mortality, their beginning, and progress.

THE first of the continued Weekly Bills of Mortality extant at the Parish Clerks Hall , begins the Twenty ninth of December 1603, being the first year of King James his Reign; since when a weekly Accompt hath been kept there of Burials and Christnings. It is true, There were Bills ‖ before, viz. for the Years 1592, -93, -94; but so interrupted since, that I could not depend upon the sufficiency of them, rather relying upon those Accompts, which have been kept since in order, as to all the uses I shall make of them.

2. I believe, that the rise of keeping these Accompts was taken from the Plague: for the said Bills (for ought appears) first began in the said year 1592, being a time of great Mortality; and, after some disuse, were resumed again in the year 1603, after the great Plague then happening likewise .

3. These Bills were printed and published, not only every Week on Thursdays, but also a general Accompt of the whole Year was given in upon the Thursday before Christmas-day: which said general Accompts have been presented in the several manners following, viz. from the Year 1603, to the Year 1624, inclusivè, according to the Pattern here inserted .

1623.
1624.

The general Bill for the whole Year, of all the Burials and Christnings, as well within the City of London, and the Liberties thereof, as in the Nine out Parishes adjoyning tothe City, with the Pest-house belonging ‖ to the same: from Thursday the 18. of December 1623, to Thursday the 16. of December, 1624, according to the Report made to the King's most Excellent Majesty by the Company of the Parish-Clerks of London.

4. In the Year 1625, every Parish was particularized , as in this following Bill: where note, That this next year of Plague caused the Augmentation, and Correction of the Bills; as the former year of Plague did the very being of them.

1624.
1625.

A general, or great Bill for this Year, of the whole number of Burials, which have been buried of all Diseases, and also of the Plague in every Parish within the City of London, and the Liberties thereof; as also in the Nine out Parishes adjoyning to the said City; with the Pest-house belonging to the same: from Thursday the 16. day of December, 1624. to Thursday the 15. day of December, 1625. according to the Report ‖ made to the King's most Excellent Majesty by the Company of Parish Clerks of London.

LONDON, | Bur. | Plag.
ALbanes in Woodstreet | 188 | 78
Alhallows Barking | 397 | 263
Alhallows Breadstreet | 34 | 14
Alhallows the Great | 442 | 302
Alhallows Hony-lane | 18 | 8
Alhallows the Less | 259 | 205
Alhallows in Lombard-street | 86 | 44
Alhallows Stainings | 183 | 138
Alhallows the Wall | 301 | 155
Alphage Cripple-gate | 240 | 190
Andrew-Hubbard | 146 | 101
Andrews Undershaft | 219 | 149
Andrews by Wardrobe | 373 | 191
Anns at Aldersgate | 196 | 128
Anns Black-Fryers | 336 | 215
Antholins Parish¹ | 62 | 31
Austins Parish² | 72 | 40
Bartholomew at the Exchange | 52 | 24
Bennets Fink³ | 108 | 57
Bennets Grace Church | 48 | 14
Bennets at Pauls Wharf | 226 | 131
Bennets Shearhog | 24 | 8
Botolphs Billings-gate | 99 | 66
Christ's-Church Parish | 611 | 371 ‖
Christophers Parish | 48 | 28
Clements by Eastcheap | 87 | 72
Diony's Back-Church | 99 | 59
Dunstans in the East | 335 | 225
Edmunds Lumbardstreet | 78 | 49
Ethelborow in Bishops-gate | 205 | 101
St. Faiths | 89 | 45
St. Fosters⁴ in Foster-lane | 149 | 102
Gabriel Fen-Church | 71 | 54
George Botolphs-lane | 30 | 19
Gregories by Pauls | 296 | 196
Hellens in Bishops-gate street | 136 | 71
James by Garlick-hith | 180 | 109
John Baptist | 122 | 79
John Evangelist | 7 | 0
John Zacharies | 143 | 97
James Dukes-place | 310 | 154
Katherine Colemanstreet | 26 | 175
Katherine Cree-Church | 886 | 373
Lawrence in the Jewry | 91 | 55
Lawrence Pountney | 206 | 127
Leonards Eastcheap | 55 | 26
Leonards Foster-lane | 292 | 209
Magnus Parish by the Bridge | 137 | 85
Margarets Lothbury | 114 | 64
Margarets Moses | 37 | 25
Margarets new Fishstreet | 123 | 82
Margarets Pattons | 77 | 50 ‖
Mary Ab-Church | 98 | 58
Mary Aldermanbury | 126 | 79
Mary Aldermary | 92 | 54
Mary le Bow | 35 | 19
Mary Bothaw | 22 | 14
Mary Coal-Church | 26 | 11
Mary at the Hill | 152 | 84
Mary Mounthaw | 76 | 58
Mary Sommerset | 270 | 192
Mary Stainings | 70 | 44
Mary Woolchurch | 58 | 35
Mary Woolnoth | 82 | 50
Martins Ironmonger-lane | 25 | 18
Martins at Ludgate | 254 | 164
Martins Orgars | 88 | 47
Martins Outwich | 60 | 30
Martins in the Vintry | 339 | 208
Matthew Friday-street | 24 | 11
Maudlins in Milk-street | 401 | 23
Maudlins Old-fish-street | 225 | 142
Michael Bassishaw | 199 | 139
Michael Cornhill | 159 | 79
Michael Crooked lane | 144 | 91
Michael Queen-hith | 215 | 157
Michael in the Quern | 53 | 30
Michael in the Royal | 111 | 61
Michael in Wood-street | 189 | 68
Mildreds Bread-street | 60 | 44 ‖
Mildreds Poultrey | 94 | 45
Nicholas Acons | 33 | 13
Nicholas Coal-Abby | 87 | 67
Nicholas Olaves | 70 | 43
Olaves in Hart-street | 266 | 195
Olaves in the Jewry | 43 | 25
Olaves in Silver-street | 274 | 103
Pancras by Soper-lane | 17 | 8
Peters in Cheap | 68 | 44
Peters in Cornhill | 318 | 78
Peters at Pauls Wharf | 97 | 68
Peters Poor in Broad-street | 52 | 27
Stevens in Coalman-street | 506 | 350
Stevens in Walbrook | 25 | 13
Swithins at London-stone | 99 | 60
Thomas Apostles | 141 | 107
Trinity Parish | 148 | 87

Bur. | Plag.
Andrews in Holborn | 2190 | 1636
Bartholomew the Great | 516 | 360
Bartholomew the Less | 111 | 65
Brides Parish | 1481 | 1031
Botolph Algate | 2573 | 1653
Bridewel Precinct | 213 | 152
Botolphs Bishops-gate | 2334 | 714
Botolphs Alders-gate | 578 | 307
Dunstans the West | 860 | 642
Georges Southwark | 1608 | 912
Giles Cripplegate | 3988 | 2338
Olaves in Southwark | 3689 | 2609
Saviours in Southwark | 2746 | 1671
Sepulchres Parish | 3425 | 2420
Thomas in Southwark | 335 | 277
Trinity in the Minories | 131 | 87
At the Pesthouse | 194 | 189

Buried in the Nine out Parishes.

| Bur. | Plag.
Clements Temple-bar | 1284 | 755
Giles in the Fields | 1333 | 947
James at Clarken-well | 1191 | 903
Katherins by the Tower | 998 | 744
Leonards in Shoreditch | 1995 | 1407
Martins in the Fields | 1470 | 973
Mary White-chapel | 3305 | 2272
Magdalens Bermondsey | 1127 | 889
Savoy Parish | 250 | 176

5. In the Year 1626, the City of Westminster, in imitation of London, was inserted. The gross Accompt of the Burials and Christenings, with distinction of the Plague being only taken notice of therein; the fifth, or last Canton, or Lined-space, of the said Bill, being varied into the form following, viz.

6. In the Year 1629, an Accompt of the Diseases and Casualties, whereof any dyed, together with the distinction of Males and Females, making the sixth Canton of the Bill, was added in manner following.

The Canton of Casualties; and of the Bill for the Year 1632, being of the same form with that of 1629. ‖

The Diseases and Casualties this Year, being 1632.

ABortive and Stilborn | 415
Affrighted | 1
Aged | 628
Ague | 43
Apoplex and Meagrim | 17
Bit with a mad Dog | 1
Bleeding | 3
Bloody flux, Scowring, and flux, | 348
Bruised, Issues, Sores, and Ulcers, | 28
Burnt and Scalded | 5
Burst and Rupture | 9
Cancer and Wolf | 10
Canker | 1
Childbed | 171
Chrisomes and Infants | 2268
Cold and Cough | 55
Colick, Stone, and Strangury | 56
Consumption | 1797
Convulsion | 241
Cut of the Stone | 5
Dead in the street, and starved | 6
Dropsie and Swelling | 267
Drowned | 4
Executed and Prest to death | 38 ‖
Falling Sickness | 17
Fever | 1108
Fistula | 13
Flox and Small Pox | 531
French Pox | 12
Gangrene | 5
Gout | 4
Grief | 11
Jaundies | 43
Jaw-faln | 78
Imposthume | 44
Kill'd by several accidents | 6
King's Evil | 38
Lethargy | 2
Livergrown | 87
Lunatick | 5
Made away themselves | 15
Measles | 80
Murthered | 7
Overlaid, and starved at Nurse | 7
Palsie | 25
Piles | 1
Plague | 8
Planet | 13
Pleuresie and Spleen | 36
Purples and Spotted Fever | 38
Quinsie | 7
Rising of the Lights | 98
Sciatica | 1 ‖
Scurvy and Itch | 9
Suddenly | 62
Surfet | 86
Swine Pox | 6
Teeth | 470
Thrush and Sore-mouth | 40
Tympany | 13
Tissick | 34
Worms | 27

7. In the Year 1636, the Accompt of the Burials and Christnings, in the Parishes of Islington, Lambeth, Stepney, Newington, Hackney, and Redriff were added in the manner following, making a seventh Canton, viz. ‖

8. Covent-Garden being made a Parish , the Nine out Parishes were called the Ten out Parishes, the which in former years were but Eight.

9. In the Year 1660, the last-mentioned ten Parishes, with Westminster, Islington, Lambeth, Stepney, Newington, Hackney, and Redriff, are entred under two Divisions, viz. the one containing the Twelve Parishes lying in Middlesex and Surrey, and the other the Five Parishes within the City and Liberties of Westminster, viz. St. Clement Danes, St. Paul's Covent-Garden, St. Martin's in the Fields, St. Mary-Savoy, and St. Margaret's Westminster.

10. We have hitherto described the several steps whereby the Bills of Mortality are come up to their present state; we come next to shew how they are made and composed, which is in this manner, viz. When any one dies, then, either by tolling, or ringing of a Bell, or by bespeaking of a Grave of the Sexton, the same is known to the Searchers, corresponding with the said Sexton.

11. The Searchers hereupon (who are ancient Matrons, sworn to their Office) repair to the place where the dead Corps lies, and by view of the same, and by other enquiries, they examine by what Disease or Casualty ‖ the Corps died. Hereupon they make their Report to the Parish Clerk, and he, every Tuesday night, carries in an Accompt of all the Burials and Christnings happening that Week, to the Clerk of the Hall. On Wednesday the general Accompt is made up and printed, and on Thursday published and dispersed to the several Families who will pay four Shillings per Annum for them.

12. Memorandum, That although the general yearly Bills have been set out in the several varieties aforementioned, yet the Original Entries in the Hall-books were as exact in the very first year, as to all particulars, as now; and the specifying of Casualties and Diseases was probably more.

[CHAP. II.]

General Observations upon the Casualties.

IN my Discourses upon these Bills, I shall first speak of the Casualties, then give my Observations with reference to the Places and Parishes comprehended in the Bills; and next of the Years and Seasons.

1. There seems to be good reason, why the Magistrate should himself take notice of the ‖ numbers of Burials and Christnings, viz. to see whether the City increase or decrease in People; whether it increase proportionably with the rest of the Nation; whether it be grown big enough, or too big, &c. But why the same should be made known to the People, otherwise than to please them, as with a curiosity, I see not.

2. Nor could I ever yet learn (from the many I have asked, and those not of the least Sagacity) to what purpose the distinction between Males and Females is inserted, or at all taken notice of? or why that of Marriages was not equally given in? Nor is it obvious to every body, why the Accompt of Casualties (whereof we are now speaking) is made? The reason, which seems most obvious for this later, is, That the state of health in the City may at all times appear.

3. Now it may be Objected, That the same depends most upon the Accompts of Epidemical Diseases, and upon the chief of them all, the Plague; wherefore the mention of the rest seems only matter of curiosity.

4. But to this we Answer, That the knowledge even of the numbers which dye of the Plague, is not sufficiently deduced from the meer Report of the Searchers, which only the Bills afford; but from other Ratiocinations, ‖ and comparings of the Plague with some other Casualties.

5. For we shall make it probable , that in the Years of Plague, a quarter part more dies of that Disease than are set down; the same we shall also prove by other Casualties. Wherefore, if it be necessary to impart to the world a good Accompt of some few Casualties, which since it cannot well be done without giving an Accompt of them all, then is our common practice of so doing very apt and rational.

6. Now, to make these Corrections upon the, perhaps, ignorant and careless Searchers Reports, I considered first of what Authority they were of themselves, that is, whether any credit at all were to be given to their Distinguishments: and finding that many of the Casualties were but matter of sense, as whether a Child were Abortive or Stilborn; whether men were Aged, that is to say, above sixty years old, or thereabouts when they died, without any curious determination; whether such Aged persons died purely of Age, as for that the Innate heat was quite extinct, or the Radical moisture quite dried up (for I have heard some Candid Physicians complain of the darkness which themselves were in hereupon ) I say, that these Distinguishments ‖ being but matter of sense, I concluded the Searchers Report might be sufficient in the Case.

7. As for Consumptions, if the Searchers do but truly Report (as they may) whether the dead Corps were very lean and worn away, it matters not to many of our purposes, whether the Disease were exactly the same, as Physicians define it in their Books. Moreover, In case a man of seventy five years old died of a Cough (of which had he been free, he might have possibly lived to ninety) I esteem it little errour (as to many of our purposes) if this Person be in the Table of Casualties, reckoned among the Aged, and not placed under the Title of Coughs.

8. In the matters of Infants I would desire but to know clearly, what the Searchers mean by Infants, as whether Children that cannot speak, as the word Infant seems to signifie, or Children under two or three years old, although I should not be satisfied, whether the Infant died of Wind, or of Teeth, or of the Convulsion, &c. or were choaked with Phlegm, or else of Teeth, Convulsion, and Scowring, apart, or together, which, they say, do often cause one another; for, I say, it is somewhat to know how many die usually before they can speak, or how many live past any assigned number of years. ‖

9. I say, it is enough, if we know from the Searchers but the most predominant Symptoms; as that one died of the Headach, who was sorely tormented with it, though the Physicians were of Opinion, that the Disease was in the Stomach. Again, if one died suddenly, the matter is not great, whether it be reported in the Bills, Suddenly, Apoplexy, or Planet-strucken, &c.

10. To conclude, In many of these Cases the Searchers are able to report the Opinion of the Physician, who was with the Patient, as they receive the same from the Friends of the Defunct: and in very many Cases, such as Drowning, Scalding, Bleeding, Vomitting, making away themselves, Lunaticks, Sores, Small-pox, &c. their own senses are sufficient, and the generality of the World are able pretty well to distinguish the Gout, Stone, Dropsie, Falling sickness, Palsie, Agues, Pleuresie, Rickets, one from another.

11. But now as for those Casualties, which are aptest to be confounded and mistaken, I shall in the ensuing Discourse presume to touch upon them so far, as the Learning of these Bills hath enabled me.

12. Having premised these general Advertisements, our first Observation upon the Casualties shall be, That in Twenty Years ‖ there dying of all Diseases and Casualties 229250, that 71124 died of the Thrush, Convulsion, Rickets, Teeth and Worms; and as Abortives, Chrysomes, Infants, Livergrown, and Overlaid; that is to say, that about ⅓ of the whole died of those Diseases, which we guess did all light upon Children under four or five years old.

13. There died also of the Small Pox, Swine Pox, and Measles, and of Worms without Convulsions, 12210 , of which number we suppose likewise, that about ½ might be Children under six years old. Now, if we consider that sixteen of the said 229250 died of that extraordinary and grand Casualty, the Plague, we shall find that about thirty six per Centum of all quick conceptions died before six years old.

14. The second Observation is, That of the said 229250 dying of all Diseases, there died of acute Diseases, (the Plague excepted) but about 50000, or parts. The which proportion doth give a measure of the State, and disposition of this Climate and Air as to health; these acute and Epidemical Diseases happenning suddenly and vehemently, upon the like corruptions and alterations in the Air. ‖

15. The third Observation is, That of the said 229250, about seventy died of Chronical Diseases, which shews (as I conceive) the State and Disposition of the Country (including as well its Food as Air) in reference to health, or rather to longevity: for as the proportion of acute and Epidemical Diseases shews the aptness of the Air to sudden and vehement Impressions; so the Chronical Diseases shew the ordinary temper of the place: so that upon the proportion of Chronical Diseases seems to hang the judgment of the fitness of the Country for long life. For, I conceive, that in Countries subject to great Epidemical sweeps, men may live very long, but, where the proportion of the Chronical distempers is great, it is not likely to be so; because men being long sick, and alwaies sickly, cannot live to any great Age, as we see in several sorts of Metal-men, who, although they are less subject to acute Diseases than others, yet seldom live to be old, that is, not to reach unto those years, which David says is the Age of Man.

16. The fourth Observation is, That of the said 229250, not 4000 died of outward Griefs, as of Cancers, Fistula's Sores, Ulcers, broken and bruised Limbs, Imposthumes, Itch, King's Evil, Leprosie, Scald-head, ‖ Swine Pox, Wens, &c. viz. not one in sixty.

17. In the next place, whereas many persons live in great fear and apprehension of some of the more formidable and notorious Diseases following; I shall only set down how many died of each: that the respective numbers, being compared with the total 229250, those persons may the better understand the hazard they are in.

Table of notorious Diseases.

Apoplex | 1306
Cut of the Stone | 38
Falling Sickness | 74
Dead in the Streets | 243
Gout | 134
Head-ach | 51
Jaundice | 998
Lethargy | 67
Leprosie | 6
Lunatick | 158
Overlaid and Starved | 529
Palsie | 423
Rupture | 201
Stone and Strangury | 863
Sciatica | 5
Suddenly | 454 ‖

Table of Casualties.

Bleeding | 69
Burnt and Scalded | 125
Drowned | 829
Excessive drinking | 2
Frighted | 22
Grief | 279
Hanged themselves | 222
Kill'd by several accidents | 1021
Murdered | 86
Poysoned | 14
Smothered | 26
Shot | 7
Starved | 51
Vomiting | 136

18. In the foregoing Observations we ventured to make a Standard of the healthfulness of the Air from the proportion of acute and Epidemical Diseases, and of the wholsomness of the food, from that of the Chronical. Yet, for as much as neither of them alone do shew the longevity of the Inhabitants, we shall in the next place come to the more absolute Standard and Correction of both, which is the proportion of the Aged, viz. 15757 to the Total 229250. That ‖ is, of about 1 to 15, or 7 per Cent. Only the question is, What number of years the Searchers call Aged, which I conceive must be the same that David calls so, viz. 70. For no man can be said to die properly of Age, who is much less. It follows from hence, That if in any other Country more than seven of the 100 live beyond 70, such Country is to be esteemed more healthful than this of our City.

19. Before we speak of particular Casualties, we shall observe, That among the several Casualties some bear a constant proportion unto the whole number of Burials; such are Chronical Diseases, and the Diseases whereunto the City is most subject; as for Example, Consumptions, Dropsies, Jaundice, Gout, Stone, Palsie, Scurvy, Rising of the Lights or Mother, Rickets, Aged, Agues, Fevers, Bloody Flux and Scowring: nay, some Accidents, as Grief, Drowning, Men's making away themselves, and being Kill'd by several Accidents, &c. do the like; whereas Epidemical and Malignant Diseases, as the Plague, Purples, Spotted Fever, Small Pox and Measles do not keep that equality: so as in some Years, or Months, there died ten times as many as in others. ‖

CHAP. III.

Of Particular Casualties.

1. MY first Observation is, that few are starved. This appears, for that of the 229250, which have died, we find not above fifty one to have been starved, excepting helpless Infants at Nurse, which being caused rather by carelessness, ignorance, and infirmity of the Milch-women, is not properly an effect or sign of want of food in the Country, or of means to get it.

2. The Observation which I shall add hereunto, is, That the vast number of Beggars, swarming up and down this City, do all live, and seem to be most of them healthy and strong; whereupon I make this question, Whether, since they do all live by begging, that is, without any kind of labour; it were not better for the State to keep them, even although they earned nothing? that so they might live regularly, and not in that Debauchery, as many Beggars do; and that they might be cured of their bodily Impotencies, ‖ or taught to work, &c. each according to his condition and capacity; or by being imployed in some work (not better undone) might be accustomed and fitted for labour?

3. To this some may Object, That Beggars are now maintained by voluntary Contributions, whereas in the other way the same must be done by general Tax; and consequently, the Objects of Charity would be removed and taken away.

4. To which we Answer, That in Holland, although no where fewer Beggars appear to charm up commiseration in the credulous, yet no where is there greater or more frequent Charity: only indeed the Magistrate is both the Beggar, and the Disposer of what is got by begging; so as all Givers have a Moral certainty that their Charity shall be well applyed.

5. Moreover, I question, Whether what we give to a Wretch that shews us lamentable sores and mutilations, be alwaies out of the purest Charity? that is, purely for God's sake; for as much as when we see such Objects, we then feel in our selves a kind of pain and passion by consent, of which we ease our selves, when we think we ease them, with whom we sympathised; or else we bespeak aforehand the like commiseration in ‖ others towards our selves, when we shall (as we fear we may) fall into the like distress.

6. We have said, 'Twere better the Publick should keep the Beggars, though they earned nothing, &c. But most men will laugh to hear us suppose, That any able to work (as indeed most Beggars are, in one kind of measure or another) should be kept without earning any thing. But we Answer, That if there be but a certain proportion of work to be done, and that the same be already done by the non-Beggars, then to imploy the Beggars about it, will but transfer the want from one hand to another; nor can a Learner work so cheap as a skilful practised Artist can. As for example, a practised Spinner shall spin a pound of Wool, worth two shillings, for six pence; but a Learner, undertaking it for three pence, shall make the wool indeed into yarn, but not worth twelve pence.

7. This little hint is the model of the greatest work in the World, which is the making of England as considerable for Trade as Holland; for there is but a certain proportion of Trade in the World, and Holland is prepossessed of the greatest part of it, and is thought to have more skill and experience to manage it; wherefore, to bring England into Holland's condition, as to this particular, ‖ is the same, as to send all the Beggars about London into the West Country to Spin, where they shall only spoil the Clothiers Wool, and beggar the present Spinners at best; but, at worst, put the whole Trade of the Country to a stand, until the Hollander, being more ready for it, have snapt that with the rest.

8. My next Observation is, That but few are Murthered, viz. not above 86 of the 229250, which have died of other Diseases and Casualties; whereas in Paris few nights scape without their Tragedy.

9. The Reasons of this we conceive to be Two: One is the Government and Guard of the City by Citizens themselves, and that alternately. No man setling into a Trade for that employment. And the other is, The natural and customary abhorrence of that inhuman Crime, and all Bloodshed, by most English men: for of all that are Executed, few are for Murther. Besides the great and frequent Revolutions and Changes in Government since the Year 1650, have been with little bloodshed; the Usurpers themselves having Executed few in comparison, upon the Accompt of disturbing their Innovations.

10. In brief, when any dead Body is found in England, no Algebraist, or Uncypherer of ‖ Letters, can use more subtile suppositions and variety of conjectures to find out the Demonstration or Cipher, than every common unconcerned person doth to find out the Murtherers, and that for ever, until it be done.

11. The Lunaticks are also but few, viz. 158 in 229250, though I fear many more than are set down in our Bills, few being entred for such, but those who die at Bedlam; and there all seem to dye of their Lunacy, who died Lunaticks; for there is much difference in computing the number of Lunaticks, that die (though of Fevers and all other Diseases, unto which Lunacy is no Supersedeas) and those that dye by reason of their Madness.

12. So that, this Casualty being so uncertain, I shall not force my self to make any inference from the numbers and proportions we find in our Bills concerning it: only I dare ensure any man at this present, well in his Wits, for one in a thousand, that he shall not dye a Lunatick in Bedlam within these seven years, because I find not above one in about one thousand five hundred have done so.

13. The like use may be made of the Accompts of men that made away themselves, ‖ who are another sort of Mad men, that think to ease themselves of pain by leaping into Hell; or else are yet more Mad, so as to think there is no such place; or that men may go to rest by death, though they dye in Self-murther, the greatest Sin.

14. We shall say nothing of the numbers of those that have been Drowned, Killed by falls from Scaffolds, or by Carts running over them, &c. because the same depends upon the casual Trade and Employment of men, and upon matters which are but circumstantial to the Seasons and Regions we live in, and affords little of that Science and Certainty we aim at.

15. We find one Casualty in our Bills, of which, though there be daily talk, there is little effect, much like our abhorrence of Toads and Snakes as most poisonous Creatures, whereas few men dare say upon their own knowledge they ever found harm by either; and this Casualty is the French Pox, gotten, for the most part, not so much by the intemperate use of Venery (which rather causeth the Gout) as of many common Women.

16. I say, the Bills of Mortality would take off these Bars, which keep some men within bounds, as to these extravagancies: for in ‖ the aforementioned 229250, we find not above 392 to have died of the Pox. Now, forasmuch as it is not good to let the World be lulled into a security and belief of Impunity by our Bills, which we intend shall not be only as Deaths heads to put men in mind of their Mortality, but also as Mercurial Statues to point out the most dangerous waies that lead us into it and misery; We shall therefore shew, that the Pox is not as the Toads and Snakes aforementioned, but of a quite contrary nature, together with the reason why it appears otherwise.

17. Forasmuch as by the ordinary discourse of the World it seems a great part of men have, at one time or other, had some species of this Disease, I wondering why so few died of it, especially because I could not take that to be so harmless, whereof so many complained very fiercely; upon enquiry, I found that those who died of it out of the Hospitals (especially that of Kingsland, and the Lock in Southwark) were returned of Ulcers and Sores. And in brief, I found, that all mentioned to dye of the French Pox were returned by the Clerks of Saint Giles's and Saint Martin's in the Fields only, in which place I understood that most of the vilest and most miserable Houses of ‖ Uncleanness were: from whence I concluded, that only hated persons, and such, whose very Noses were eaten off, were reported by the Searchers to have died of this too frequent Malady.

18. In the next place, it shall be examined, under what Name or Casualty such as die of these Diseases are brought in: I say, under the Consumption; forasmuch as all dying thereof dye so emaciated and lean (their Ulcers disappearing upon Death) that the Old-women Searchers, after the mist of a Cup of Ale, and the bribe of a Two-groat fee, in stead of one given them , cannot tell whether this emaciation or leanness were from a Phthisis, or from an Hectick Fever, Atrophy, &c. or from an Infection of the Spermatick parts, which in length of time, and in various disguises hath at last vitiated the habit of the Body, and by disabling the parts to digest their nourishment, brought them to the condition of leanness abovementioned.

19. My next Observation is, That of the Rickets we find no mention among the Casualties, until the Year 1634, and then but of 14 for that whole Year.

20. Now the Question is, Whether that Disease did first appear about that time; or whether a Disease, which had been long ‖ before, did then first receive its Name?

21. To clear this Difficulty out of the Bills (for I dare venture on no deeper Arguments) I enquired what other Casualtie before the Year 1634, named in the Bills, was most like the Rickets; and found, not only by Pretenders to know it, but also from other Bills, that Livergrown was the nearest. For in some years I find Livergrown, Spleen, and Rickets, put all together, by reason (as I conceive) of their likeness to each other. Hereupon I added the Livergrowns of the Year 1634, viz. 77, to the Rickets of the same Year, viz. 14, making in all 91; which Total, as also the Number 77 it self, I compared with the Livergrown of the precedent Year 1633, viz. 82: All which shewed me, that the Rickets was a new Disease over and above.

22. Now, this being but a faint Argument, I looked both forwards and backwards, and found, that in the Year 1629, when no Rickets appeared, there were but 94 Livergrowns; and in the Year 1636 there were 99 Livergrown, although there were also 50 of the Rickets: only this is not to be denied, that when the Rickets grew very numerous (as in the Year 1660, viz. 521) then there appeared not above 15 of Livergrown. ‖

23. In the Year 1659 were 441 Rickets, and 8 Livergrown. In the Year 1658 were 476 Rickets, and 51 Livergrown. Now, though it be granted that these Diseases were confounded in the Judgment of the Nurses, yet it is most certain, that the Livergrown did never but once, viz. Anno 1630 exceed 100; whereas Anno 1660, Livergrown and Rickets were 536.

24. It is also to be observed, That the Rickets were never more numerous than now, and that they are still increasing; for Anno 1649, there were but 190, next year 260, next after that 329, and so forwards, with some little starting backwards in some years, until the Year 1660, which produced the greatest of all.

25. Now, such back-startings seem to be universal in all things; for we do not only see in the progressive motion of the wheels of Watches, and in the rowing of Boats, that there is a little starting or jerking backwards between every step forwards, but also (if I am not much deceived) there appeared the like in the motion of the Moon, which in the long Telescopes at Gresham Colledge one may sensibly discern . ‖

26. There seems also to be another new Disease, called by our Bills The stopping of the Stomach, first mentioned in the Year 1636, the which Malady, from that Year to 1647, increased but from 6 to 29; Anno 1655 it came to 145. In 57, to 277. In 60 to 314. Now these proportions far exceeding the difference of proportion generally arising from the increase of Inhabitants, and from the resort of Advenæ to the City, shews there is some new Disease, which appeareth to the Vulgar, as A stopping of the Stomach.

27. Hereupon I apprehended that this Stopping might be the Green sickness, forasmuch as I find few or none to have been returned upon that Account, although many be visibly stained with it. Now, whether the same be forborn out of shame, I know not: For since the World believes that Marriage cures it, it may seem indeed a shame, that any Maid should dye uncured, when there are more Males than Females, that is, an overplus of Husbands to all that can be Wives.

28. In the next place, I conjectured that this stopping of the Stomach might be the Mother, forasmuch as I have heard of many troubled with Mother fits (as they call them) ‖ although few returned to have died of them; which conjecture, if it be true, we may then safely say, That the Mother-fits have also increased.

29. I was somewhat taken off from thinking this stopping of the Stomach to be the Mother, because I ghessed rather the Rising of the Lights might be it. For I remembred that some Women, troubled with the Mother-fits, did complain of a choaking in their Throats. Now, as I understand, it is more conceivable, that the Lights or Lungs (which I have heard called The Bellows of the Body) not blowing, that is, neither venting out, nor taking in breath, might rather cause such a Choking, than the Mother should rise up thither, and do it. For methinks, when a Woman is with Child, there is a greater rising, and yet no such Fits at all.

30. But what I have said of the Rickets and stopping of the Stomach, I do in some measure say of the Rising of the Lights also, viz. that these Risings (be they what they will) have increased much above the general proportion; for in 1629 there were but 44, and in 1660, 249, viz. almost six times as many. ‖

31. Now forasmuch as Rickets appear much in the Over-growing of Childrens Livers and Spleens (as by the Bills may appear) which surely may cause stopping of the Stomach by squeezing and crowding upon that part. And forasmuch as these Chokings or Risings of the Lights may proceed from the same stuffings, as make the Liver and Spleen to overgrow their due proportion. And lastly, forasmuch as the Rickets, stopping of the Stomach, and rising of the Lights, have all increased together, and in some kind of correspondent proportions; it seems to me that they depend one upon another, And that what is the Rickets in Children, may be the other in more grown Bodies; for surely Children, which recover of the Rickets, may retain somewhat to cause what I have imagined: but of this let the Learned Physicians consider, as I presume they have.

32. I had not medled thus far, but that I have heard, the first hints of the circulation of the Blood were taken from a common Person's wondering what became of all the blood which issued out of the heart, since the heart beats above three thousand times an hour, although but one drop should be pump'd out of it at every stroke. ‖

33. The Stone seemed to decrease: for in 1632, 33, 34, 35, and 36, there died of the Stone and Strangury 254. And in the Years 1655, 56, 57, 58, 59, and 1660, but 250, which numbers, although indeed they be almost equal, yet considering the Burials of the first named five Years were but half those of the later, it seems to be decreased by about one half.

34. Now the Stone and Strangury are Diseases which most men know that feel them, unless it be in some few cases, where (as I have heard Physicians say) a Stone is held up by the Films of the Bladder, and so kept from grating or offending it.

35. The Gout stands much at a stay, that is, it answers the general proportion of Burials; there dies not above one of 1000 of the Gout, although I believe that more dye Gouty. The reason is, because those that have the Gout, are said to be long livers; and therefore, when such dye, they are returned as Aged.

36. The Scurvy hath likewise increased, and that gradually from 12, Anno 1629, to 95, Anno 1660.

37. The Tyssick seems to be quite worn away, but that it is probable the same is entred as Cough or Consumption. ‖

[38]. Agues and Fevers are entred promiscuously, yet in the few Bills wherein they have been distinguished, it appears that not above 1 in 40 of the whole are Agues.

39. The Abortives and Stilborn are about the twentieth part of those that are Christned, and the numbers seemed the same thirty Years ago as now, which shews there were more in proportion in those years than now: or else that in these later years due Accompts have not been kept of the Abortives, as having been buried without notice, and perhaps not in Church-yards.

40. For that there hath been a neglect in the Accompts of the Christnings, is most certain, because until the Year 1642, we find the Burials but equal with the Christnings, or near thereabouts, but in 1648, when the differences in Religion had changed the Government, the Christnings were but two thirds of the Burials. And in the Year 1659, not half, viz. the Burials were 14720 (of the Plague but 36) and the Christnings were but 5670; which great disproportion could be from no other Cause than that abovementioned, forasmuch as the same grew as the Confusions and Changes grew. ‖

41. Moreover, although the Bills give us in Anno 1659, but 5670 Christnings, yet they give us 421 Abortives, and 226 dying in Child-bed; whereas in the Year 1631, when the Abortives were 410, that is, near the number of the Year 1659, the Christnings were 8288. Wherefore by the proportion of Abortives, Anno 1659, the Christnings should have been about 8500: but if we shall reckon by the Women dying in Childbed, of whom a better Accompt is kept than of Stilborns and Abortives, we shall find Anno 1659, there were 226 Childbeds; and Anno 1631, 112, viz. not ½: Wherefore I conceive that the true number of the Christnings, Anno 1659, is above double to the 5690 set down in our Bills; that is, about 11500, and then the Christnings will come near the same proportion to the Burials, as hath been observed in former times.

42. In regular Times, when Accompts were well kept, we find that not above three in 200 died in Childbed, and that the number of Abortives was about treble to that of the Women dying in Childbed: from whence we may probably collect, that not one Woman of an hundred (I may say of two hundred) dies in her Labour; forasmuch as there be other Causes of a Womans dying with-in ‖ the Month, than the hardness of her Labour.

43. If this be true in these Countries, where Women hinder the facility of their Child-bearing by affected straitening of their Bodies; then certainly in America, where the same is not practised, Nature is little more to be taxed as to Woman, than in Brutes, among whom not one in some thousands do dye of their Deliveries: what I have heard of the Irish women confirms me herein.

44. Before we quite leave this matter, we shall insert the Causes, why the Accompt of Christnings hath been neglected more than that of Burials: one, and the chief whereof, was a Religious Opinion against Baptizing of Infants, either as unlawful, or unnecessary. If this were the only reason, we might by our defects of this kind conclude the growth of this Opinion, and pronounce, that not half the People of England, between the years 1650 and 1660, were convinced of the need of Baptizing.

45. A second Reason was, The scruples which many publick Ministers would make of the worthiness of Parents to have their Children Baptized, which forced such questioned Parents, who did also not believe the necessity of having their Children baptized ‖ by such Scruplers, to carry their Children unto such other Ministers, as having performed the thing, had not the Authority or Command of the Register to enter the Names of the baptized.

46. A third Reason was, That a little Fee was to be paid for the Registry .

47. Upon the whole matter it is most certain, That the number of Heterodox Believers was very great between the said year 1650 and 1660; and so peevish were they, as not to have the Births of their Children Registred, although thereby the time of their coming of Age might be known, in respect of such Inheritances as might belong unto them; and withal, by such Registring it would have appeared unto what Parish each Child had belonged, in case any of them should happen to want its relief.

48. Of Convulsions there appeared very few, viz. but 52 in the year 1629, which in 1636 grew to 709, keeping about that stay till 1659, though sometimes rising to about 1000.

49. It is to be noted, That from 1629 to 1636, when the Convulsions were but few, the number of Chrysoms and Infants was greater: for in 1629, there were of Chrysoms and Infants 2596, and of the Convulsion 52, ‖ viz. of both 2648. And in 1636 there were of Infants 1895, and of the Convulsions 709; in both 2604, by which it appears, that this difference is likely to be only a confusion in the Accounts.

50. Moreover, we find that for these later years, since 1636, the total of Convulsions and Chrysoms added together are much less, viz. by about 400 or 500 per Annum, than the like Totals from 1629 to 36, which makes me think, that Teeth also were thrust in under the Title of Chrysoms and Infants, inasmuch as in the said years, from 1629 to 1636, the number of Worms and Teeth wants by above 400 per Annum of what we find in following years. ‖

CHAP. IV. Of the Plague.

1. BEfore we leave to discourse of the Casualties, we shall add something concerning that greatest Disease or Casualty of all, The Plague.

There have been in London, within this Age, four times of great Mortality, that is to say, the years 1592 and 1593, 1603, 1625 and 1636.

¹There died Anno 1592. from March to December, | 25886
Whereof of the Plague | 11503
Anno 1593, | 17844
Whereof of the Plague | 10662
Christned in the said year | 4021
Anno 1603, within the same space of time, were Buried | 37294
Whereof of the Plague | 30561
Anno 1625, within the same space | 51758
Whereof of the Plague | 35417
Anno 1636, from April to Decemb. | 23359
Whereof of the Plague | 10460 ‖

2. Now it is manifest of it self, in which of these years most died; but in which of them was the greatest Mortality of all Diseases in general, or of the Plague in particular, we discover thus. In the Years 1592, and 1636, we find the proportion of those dying of the Plague in the whole to be near alike, that is, about 10 to 23, or 11 to 25, or as about 2 to 5.

3. In the Year 1625, we find the Plague to bear unto the whole in proportion as 35 to 51, or 7 to 10, that is almost the triplicate of the former proportion; for the Cube of 7 being 343, and the Cube of 10 being 1000, the said 343 is not ⅕ of 1000.

4. In Anno 1603, the proportion of the Plague to the whole was as 30 to 37, viz. as 4 to 5, which is yet greater than the last of 7 to 20 : For if the year 1625 had been as great a Plague year as 1603, there must have died not only 7 to 10, but 8 to 10, which in those great numbers makes a vast difference.

5. We must therefore conclude the year 1603 to have been the greatest Plague year of this Age.

6. Now to know in which of these four was the greatest Mortality at large, we reason thus: ‖

7. From whence it appears, That Anno 1636, the Christnings were about ⅖ parts of the Burials: Anno 1592 but ⅕; but in the year 1603, and 1625, not above an eighth: so that the said two years were the years of greatest Mortality. We said that the year 1603 was the greatest Plague year. And now we say, that the same was not a greater year of Mortality than Anno 1625. Now to reconcile these two Positions, we must alledge, that Anno 1625, there was an errour in the Accompts or Distinctions of the Casualties; that is, more died of the Plague than were re-counted ‖ for under that name. Which Allegation we also prove thus, viz.

8. In the said year 1625 there are said to have died of the Plague 35417, and of all other Diseases 18848; whereas in the years, both before and after the same, the ordinary number of Burials was between 7 and 8000; so that if we add about 11000 (which is the difference between 7 and 18) to our 35, the whole will be 46000, which bears to the whole 54000, as about 4 to 5, thereby rendring the said year 1625 to be as great a Plague-year as that of 1603, and no greater; which answers to what we proved before, viz. that the Mortality of the two years was equal .

9. From whence we may probably suspect, that about ¼ part more died of the Plague than are returned for such; which we further prove by noting, that Anno 1636 there died 10400 of the Plague, the ¼ whereof is 2600 Now there are said to have died of all other Diseases that Year 12959, out of which number deducting 2600, there remain 10359, more than which there died not in several years next before and after the said Year 1636.

10. The next Observation we shall offer is, That the Plague of 1603 lasted eight Years. ‖ In some whereof there died above 4000, in others above 2000, and in but one fewer than 600: whereas in the Year 1624 next preceding, and in the Year 1626 next following the said great Plague-year 1625, there died in the former but 11, and in the later but 134 of the Plague. Moreover, in the said Year 1625, the Plague decreased from its utmost number 4461 a week, to below 1000 within six weeks.

11. The Plague of 1636 lasted twelve Years, in eight whereof there died 2000 per annum one with another, and never under 300. The which shews, that the Contagion of the Plague depends more upon the Disposition of the Air, than upon the Effluvia from the Bodies of men.

12. Which also we prove by the suddain jumps which the Plague hath made, leaping in one Week from 118 to 927; and back again from 993 to 258; and from thence again the very next Week to 852. The which Effects must surely be rather attributed to change of the Air, than of the Constitution of Mens Bodies, otherwise than as this depends upon that.

13. It may be also noted, That many times other Pestilential Diseases, as Purple Fevers, Small-Pox, &c. do fore-run the Plague a ‖ Year, two or three; for in 1622 there died but 8000: in 1623, 11000: in 1624, about 12000: till in 1625 there died of all Diseases above 54000.

CHAP. V.

Other Observations upon the Plague, and Casualties.

1. THE Decrease and Increase of People is to be reckoned chiefly by Christenings, because few bear Children in London but Inhabitants, though others die there. The Accounts of Christenings were well kept, until differences in Religion occasioned some neglect therein, although even these neglects we must confess to have been regular and proportionable.

2. By the numbers and proportions of Christenings therefore we observe as followeth, viz.

First, That (when from December 1602, to March following, there was little or no Plague) then the Christenings at a Medium were between 110 and 130 per Week, few ‖ Weeks being above the one, or below the other; but when from thence to July the Plague increased, that then the Christenings decreased to under 90.

Secondly, The Question is, Whether Teeming-Women died, or fled, or miscarried? The latter at this time seems most probable, because even in the said space, between March and July, there died not above 20 per Week of the Plague; which small number could neither cause the death or flight of so many Women, as to alter the proportion ¼ part lower.

3. Moreover, We observe from the 21 of July to the 12 of October, the Plague increasing reduced the Christenings to 70 at a Medium, diminishing the above proportion down to ⅖. Now the cause of this must be flying, and death, as well as Miscarriages and Abortions; for there died within that time about 25000, whereof many were certainly Women-with child: besides, the fright of so many dying within so small a time, might drive away so many others, as to cause this Effect.

4. From December 1624, to the middle of April 1625, there died not above five a Week of the Plague, one with another. In this time, the Christenings were one with another ‖ 180. The which decreased gradually by the 22 of September to 75, or from the proportion of 12 to 5, which evidently squares with our former Observation.

5. The next Observation we shall offer is, The time wherein the City hath been Re-peopled after a great Plague; which we affirm to be by the second year. For in 1627 the Christenings (which are our Standard in this Case) were 8408, which in 1624, next preceding the Plague-year 1625 (that had swept away above 54000) were but 8299; and the Christenings of 1626 (which were but 6701) mounted in one year to the said 8408.

6. Now the Cause hereof, forasmuch as it cannot be a supply by Procreations; Ergo, it must be by new Affluxes to London out of the Country.

7. We might fortifie this Assertion by shewing, that before the Plague-year 1603, the Christenings were about 6000, which were in that very year reduced to 4789, but crept up the next year 1604 to 5458, recovering their former ordinary proportion in 1605 of 6504, about which proportion it stood till the year 1610.

8. I say, it followeth, that, let the Mortality be what it will, the City repairs its loss of Inhabitants within two years; which Observation ‖ lessens the Objection made against the value of Houses in London, as if they were liable to great prejudice through the loss of Inhabitants by the Plague.

CHAP. VI.

Of the Sickliness, Healthfulness, and Fruitfulness of Seasons.

1. HAving spoken of Casualties, we come next to compare the Sickliness, Healthfulness, and Fruitfulness of the several Years and Seasons one with another. And first, having in the Chapters afore going mentioned the several years of Plague, we shall next present the several other sickly years; we meaning by a sickly Year such wherein the Burials exceed those, both of the precedent and subsequent years, and not above two hundred dying of the Plague, for such we call Plague-Years; and this we do, that the World may see, by what spaces and intervals we may hereafter expect such times again. Now, we may not call that a more sickly year, wherein more die, because such excess of Burials ‖ may proceed from increase and access of People to the City only.

2. Such sickly years were 1618, 20, 23, 24, 1632, 33, 34, 1649, 52, 54, 56, 58, 61, as may be seen by the Tables .

3. In reference to this Observation we shall present another, namely, That the more sickly the years are, the less fecund or fruitful of Children also they be. Which will appear, if the number of Children born in the said sickly years be less than that of the years both next preceding and next following: all which, upon view of the Tables, will be found true, except in a very few Cases, where sometimes the precedent, and sometimes the subsequent years vary a little, but never both together. Moreover, for the confirmation of this Truth, we present you the year 1660, where the Burials were fewer than in either of the two next precedent years by 2000, and fewer than in the subsequent by above 4000: And withal, the number of Christenings in the said year 1660 was far greater than in any of the three years next afore-going.

4. As to this year 1660, although we would not be thought Superstitious, yet it is not to be neglected, that in the said year was the King's Restauration to His Empire over these three Nations, as if God Almighty had ‖ caused the healthfulness and fruitfulness thereof to repair the Bloodshed and Calamities suffered in His absence. I say, this conceit doth abundantly counterpoise the Opinion of those who think great Plagues come in with King's Reigns , because it hapned so twice, viz. Anno 1603, and 1625; whereas as well the year 1648, wherein the present King commenced His Right to reign, as also the year 1660. wherein He commenced the exercise of the same, were both eminently healthful: which clears both Monarchy, and our present King's Family, from what seditious men have surmised against them.

5. The Diseases, which beside the Plague make years unhealthful in this City, are Spotted-Fevers, Small-Pox, Dysentery, called by some The Plague in the Guts, and the unhealthful Season is the Autumn. ‖

CHAP. VII.

Of the difference between Burials and Christenings.

1. THE next Observation is, That in the said Bills there are far more Burials than Christenings. This is plain, depending only upon Arithmetical computation; for, in 40 years from the year 1603, to the year 1644, exclusive of both years, there have been set down (as hapning within the same ground, space, or Parishes ) although differently numbred and divided, 363935 Burials, and but 330747 Christenings within the 97, 16, and 10 Out Parishes; those of Westminster, Lambeth, Newington, Redriff, Stepney, Hackney, and Islington, not being included.

2. From this single Observation it will follow, That London should have decreased in its People; the contrary whereof we see by its daily increase of Buildings upon new Foundations, and by the turning of great Palacious Houses into small Tenements. It is therefore ‖ certain, that London is supplied with People from out of the Country, whereby not only to supply the overplus differences of Burials abovementioned, but likewise to increase its Inhabitants according to the said increase of housing.

3. This supplying of London seems to be the reason, why Winchester, Lincoln, and several other Cities have decreased in their Buildings, and consequently in their Inhabitants. The same may be suspected of many Towns in Cornwal, and other places, which probably, when they were first allowed to send Burgesses to the Parliament, were more populous than now, and bore another proportion to London than now; for several of those Burroughs send two Burgesses, whereas London it self sends but four, although it bears the fifteenth part of the charge of the whole Nation in all Publick Taxes and Levies .

4. But, if we consider what I have upon exact enquiry found true, viz. That in the Country , within ninety years, there have been 6339 Christenings, and but 5280 Burials, the increase of London will be salved without inferring the decrease of the People in the Country; and withal, in case all England have but fourteen times more People than ‖ London, it will appear, how the said increase of the Country may increase the People, both of London and it self; for if there be in the 97, 16, 10, and 7 Parishes, usually comprehended within our Bills, but 460000 Souls, as hereafter we shall shew , then there are in all England and Wales 6440000 Persons, out of which subtract 460000, for those in and about London, there remain 5980000 in the Country, the which increasing about part in 40 years. as we shall hereafter prove doth happen in the Country, the whole increase of the Country will be about 854000 in the said time; out of which number, if but about 250000 be sent up to London in the said 40 years, viz. about 6000 per Annum, the said Missions will make good the alterations, which we find to have been in and about London, between the years 1603 and 1644 above-mentioned: But that 250000 will do the same, I prove thus; viz. in the 8 years, from 1603 to 1612, the Burials in all the Parishes, and of all Diseases, the Plague included, were at a Medium 9750 per Annum. And between 1635 and 1644 were 18000, the difference whereof is 8250, which is the Total of the increase of the Burials in 40 years, that is, about 206 per Annum. Now, to make the Burials increase 206 per Annum, there must ‖ be added to the City 30 times as many (according to the proportion of 3 dying out of 11 Families)viz. 6180 Advenæ, the which number multiplied again by the 40 years, makes the Product 247200, which is less than the 250000 above-propounded; so as there remain above 600000 of increase in the Country within the said 40 years, either to render it more populous, or send forth into other Colonies, or Wars. But that England hath fourteen times more People, is not improbable, for the Reasons following.

1. London is observed to bear about the fifteenth proportion of the whole Tax.

2. There are in England and Wales about 39000 square Miles of Land, and we have computed that in one of the greatest Parishes in Hantshire, being also a Market-Town, and containing twelve square Miles, there are 220 Souls in every square Mile, out of which I abate ¼ for the over-plus of People more in that Parish than in other wild Counties. So as the ¾ parts of the said 220, multiplied by the Total of square Miles, produces 6400000 Souls in all London included.

3. There are about 10000 Parishes in England and Wales, the which, although they should not contain the ⅓ part of the Land, nor the ¼ of the People of that Country-Parish, ‖ which we have examined, yet may be supposed to contain about 600 People, one with another: according to which Account there will be six Millions of People in the Nation. I might add, that there are in England and Wales about five and twenty Millions of Acres at 16½ Foot to the Perch; and if there be six Millions of People, then there is about four Acres for every head, which how well it agrees to the Rules of Plantation, I leave unto others, not only as a means to examine my Assertion, but as an hint to their enquiry concerning the fundamental Trade, which is Husbandry, and Plantation.

4. Upon the whole matter we may therefore conclude, That the People of the whole Nation do increase, and consequently the decrease of Winchester, Lincoln, and other like places, must be attributed to other Reasons, than that of re-furnishing London only.

5. We come to shew, why although in the Country the Christenings exceed the Burials, yet in London they do not. The general Reason of this must be, that in London the proportion of those subject to die, unto those capable of breeding, is greater than in the Country; That is, let there be an hundred Persons in London, and as many in the Country; we say, that, if there be sixty of them ‖ Breeders in London, there are more than sixty in the Country, or else we must say, that London is more unhealthful, or that it inclines Men and Women more to Barrenness, than the Country: which by comparing the Burials and Christenings of Hackney, Newington, and the other Country-Parishes, with the most Smoky and Stinking parts of the City, is scarce discernible in any considerable degree.

6. Now that the Breeders in London are proportionably fewer than those in the Country, arises from these Reasons, viz.

1. All, that have business to the Court of the King, or to the Courts of Justice, and all Country-men coming up to bring Provisions to the City, or to buy Forein Commodities, Manufactures, and Rarities, do for the most part leave their Wives in the Country.

2. Persons coming to live in London out of curiosity and pleasure, as also such as would retire and live privately, do the same if they have any.

3. Such as come up to be cured of Diseases do scarce use their Wives pro tempore.

4. That many Apprentices of London, who are bound seven or nine years from Marriage, do often stay longer voluntarily. ‖

5. That many Sea-men of London leave their Wives behind them, who are more subject to die in the absence of their Husbands, than to breed either without men, or with the use of many promiscuously.

6. As for unhealthiness, it may well be supposed, that although seasoned Bodies may, and do live near as long in london, as elsewhere, yet new-comers and Children do not: for the Smoaks, Stinks, and close Air, are less healthful than that of the Country; otherwise why do sickly Persons remove into the Country-Air? And why are there more old men in Countries than in London, per rata? And although the difference in Hackucy and Newington, above-mentioned, be not very notorious, yet the reason may be their vicinity to London, and that the Inhabitants are most such, whose Bodies have first been impaired with the London-Air, before they withdraw thither.

7. As to the causes of Barrenness in London, I say, that although there should be none extraordinary in the Native Air of the place; yet the intemperance in feeding, and especially the Adulteries and Fornications, supposed more frequent in London than elsewhere, do certainly hinder Breeding. For a Woman, admitting ten Men, is so far from ‖ having ten times as many Children, that she hath none at all.

8. Add to this, that the minds of men in London are more thoughful, and full of business, than in the Country, where their work is corporal Labour and Exercises; All which promote Breeding, whereas Anxieties of the mind hinder it.

CHAP. VIII.

Of the difference between the numbers of Males and Females.

THE next Observation is, That there be more Males than Females .

1. There have been Buried from the year 1628, to the year 1662, exclusive, 209436 Males, and but 190474 Females: but it will be objected, That in London it may be indeed so, though otherwise elsewhere; because London is the great Stage and Shop of business, wherein the Masculine Sex bears the greatest part. But we Answer, That there have been also Christened within the same time 139782 Males, and but 130866 Females, and that ‖ the Country-Accounts are consonant enough to those of London upon this matter .

2. What the Causes hereof are, we shall not trouble our selves to conjecture, as in other Cases: only we shall desire, that Travellers would enquire, whether it be the same in other Countries.

3. We should have given an Account, how in every Age these proportions change here, but that we have Bills of distinction but for 32 years, so that we shall pass from hence to some Inferences from this Conclusion; as first,

I. That Christian Religion, prohibiting Polygamy, is more agreeable to the Law of Nature, that is, the Law of God, than Mahumetism, and others, that allow it: for one Man his having many Women, or Wives, by Law, signifies nothing, unless there were many Women to one Man in Nature also.

II. The obvious Objection hereunto is, That one Horse, Bull, or Ram, having each of them many Females, do promote increase. To which I Answer, That although perhaps there be naturally, even of these species, more Males than Females, yet artificially, that is, by making Geldings, Oxen, and Weathers, there are fewer. From whence it will follow, That when by experience it is found how many ‖ Ews (suppose twenty) one Ram will serve, we may know what proportion of male-Lambs to castrate or geld, viz. nineteen, or thereabouts: for if you emasculate fewer, viz. but ten, you shall, by promiscuous copulation of each of those ten with two Females, hinder the increase, so far as the admittance of two Males will do it: but, if you castrate none at all, it is highly probable, that, every of the twenty Males copulating with every of the twenty Females, there will be little or no conception in any of them all.

III. And this I take to be the truest Reason, why Foxes, Wolves, and other Vermin Animals, that are not gelt, increase not faster than Sheep, when as so many thousands of these are daily Butchered, and very few of the other die otherwise than of themselves.

4. We have hitherto said, There are more Males than Females; we say next, That the one exceed the other by about a thirteenth part. So that although more Men die violent deaths than Women, that is, more are slain in Wars, killed by Mischance, drowned at Sea, and die by the Hand of Justice; moreover, more Men go to Colonies, and travel into Forein parts, than Women; and lastly, more remain unmarried than of Women, as Fellows of Colleges, and Apprentices above eighteen, ‖ &c. yet the said thirteenth part difference bringeth the business but to such a pass, that every Woman may have an Husband, without the allowance of Polygamy.

5. Moreover, although a Man be Prolifick fourty years, and a Woman but five and twenty, which makes the Males to be as 560 to 325 Females, yet the causes above-named, and the later marriage of the Men, reduce all to an equality.

6. It appearing, that there were fourteen Men to thirteen Women, and that they die in the same proportion also; yet I have heard Physicians say, that they have two Women Patients to one Man, which Assertion seems very likely; for that Women have either the Green-sickness, or other like Distempers, are sick of Breedings, Abortions, Child-bearing, Sore-breasts, Whites, Obstructions, Fits of the Mother, and the like.

7. Now from this it should follow, that more Women should die than Men, if the number of Burials answered in proportion to that of Sicknesses: but this must be salved, either by the alleging, that the Physicians cure those Sicknesses, so as few more die than if none were sick; or else that Men, being more intemperate than Women, die as much by reason of their Vices, as Women do by the Infirmity ‖ of their Sex; and consequently, more Males being born than Females, more also die.

8. In the year 1642 many Males went out of London into the Wars then beginning, insomuch as I expected in the succeeding year 1643 to have found the Burials of Females to have exceeded those of Males, but no alteration appeared; forasmuch, as I suppose, Trading continuing the same in London, all those, who lost their Apprentices, had others out of the Country; and if any left their Trades and Shops, that others forthwith succeeded them: for, if employment for hands remain the same, no doubt but the number of them could not long continue in disproportion.

9. Another pregnant Argument to the same purpose (which hath already been touched on) is, That although in the very year of the Plague the Christenings decreased, by the dying and flying of Teeming-Women, yet the very next year after they increased somewhat, but the second after to as full a number as in the second year before the said Plague: for I say again, if there be encouragement for an hundred in London, that is, a Way how an hundred may live better than in the Country, and if there be void Housing there to receive ‖ them, the evacuating of a fourth or third part of that number must soon be supplied out of the Country; so as the great Plague doth not lessen the Inhabitants of the City, but of the Country, who in a short time remove themselves from thence hither, so long, until the City, for want of receipt and encouragement, regurgitates and sends them back.

10. From the difference between Males and Females, we see the reason of making Eunuchs in those places where Polygamy is allowed, the later being useless as to multiplication, without the former, as was said before in case of Sheep and other Animals usually gelt in these Countries.

11. By consequence, this practice of Castration serves as well to promote increase, as to meliorate the Flesh of those Beasts that suffer it For that Operation is equally practised upon Horses, which are not used for food, as upon those that are.

12. In Popish Countries, where Polygamy is forbidden, if a greater number of Males oblige themselves to Cælibate, than the natural over-plus, or difference between them and Females amounts unto; then multiplication is hindred: for if there be eight Men to ten Women, all of which eight Men are married to eight of the ten Women, then the other two ‖ bear no Children, as either admitting no Man at all, or else admitting Men as Whores (that is, more than one;) which commonly procreates no more than if none at all had been used: or else such unlawful Copulations beget Conceptions, but to frustrate them by procured Abortions, or secret Murthers; all which returns to the same reckoning. Now, if the same proportion of Women oblige themselves to a single life likewise, then such obligation makes no change in this matter of increase.

13. From what hath been said appears the reason, why the Law is and ought to be so strict against Fornications and Adulteries: for, if there were universal liberty, the Increase of Mankind would be but like that of Foxes at best.

14. Now forasmuch as Princes are not only Powerful, but Rich, according to the number of their People (Hands being the Father, as Lands are the Mother and Womb of Wealth) it is no wonder why States, by encouraging Marriage, and hindering Licentiousness, advance their own Interest, as well as preserve the Laws of God from contempt and violation.

15. It is a Blessing to Mankind, that by this over-plus of Males there is this natural ‖ Bar to Polygamy.: for in such a state Women could not live in that parity and equality of expense with their Husbands, as now, and here they do.

16. The reason whereof is, not, that the Husband cannot maintain as splendidly three, as one; for he might, having three Wives, live himself upon a quarter of his Income, that is, in a parity with all three, as well as, having but one, live in the same parity at half with her alone: but rather, because that to keep them all quiet with each other, and himself, he must keep them all in greater aw, and less splendour; which power he having, he will probably use it to keep them all as low as he pleases, and at no more cost than makes for his own pleasure; the poorest Subjects, (such as this plurality of Wives must be) being most easily governed. ‖

CHAP. IX.

Of the growth of the City.

1. IN the year 1593 there died in the ninety seven Parishes within the walls, and the sixteen without the walls (besides 421 of the Plague) 3508. And the next year 3478, besides 29 of the Plague: in both years 6986. Twenty years after there died in the same ninety seven, and sixteen Parishes, 12110, viz. Anno 1614, 5873; and Anno 1615, 6237: so as the said Parishes are increased, in the said time, from seven to twelve, or very near thereabouts.

2. Moreover, the Burials within the like space of the next twenty years, viz. Anno 1634 and 1635, were 15625, viz. as about twenty four to thirty one: the which last of the three numbers, 15625, is much more than double to the first 6986; viz. the said Parishes have in fourty years increased from twenty three to fifty two.

3. Where is to be noted, That although we were necessitated to compound the said ‖ ninety seven with the sixteen Parishes, yet the sixteen Parishes have increased faster than the ninety seven. For. in the year 1620, there died within the walls 2726, and in 1660 there died but 3098 (both years being clear of the Plague:) so as in this fourty years the said ninety seven Parishes have increased but from nine to ten, or thereabouts, because the Housing of the said ninety seven Parishes could be no otherwise increased, than by turning great Houses into Tenements, and building upon a few Gardens.

4. In the year 1604 there died in the ninety seven Parishes 1518, and of the Plague 280. And in the year 1660, 3098, and none of the Plague; so as in fifty six years the said Parishes have doubled. Where note, That forasmuch as in the said year 1604 was the very next year after the great Plague 1603 (when the City was not yet re-peopled) we shall rather make the comparison between 2014, which died Anno 1605, and 3431 Anno 1659 choosing rather from hence to assert, That the said ninety seven and sixteen Parishes increased from twenty to thirty four, or from ten to seventeen in fifty four years, than from one to two in fifty six, as in the last aforegoing Paragraph is set down. ‖

5 Anno 1605 there died in the sixteen Out-Parishes 2974, and Anno 1659, 6988: so as in the fifty four years the said Parishes have increased from three to seven.

6. Anno 1605 there died in the eight Out-Parishes 960, Anno 1659 there died in the same scope of Ground, although called now ten Parishes (the Savoy and Covent-Garden being added) 4301: so as the said Parishes have increased, within the said fifty four years, more than from one to four.

7. Moreover, there were Buried in all, Anno 1605, 5948, and Anno 1659, 14720, viz. about two to five.

8. Having set down the proportions, wherein we find the said three great Divisions of the whole Pyle, called London, to have increased; we come next to shew what particular Parishes have had the most remarkable share in these Aug-mentations. Viz. of the ninety seven Parishes within the Walls the increase is not discernible, but where great Houses, formerly belonging to Noblemen, before they built others near White-hall, have been turned into Tenements; upon which Account Alhallows upon the Wall is increased by the conversion of the Marquess of Winchester's House, lately the Spanish Embassadour's, into a new Street; the like of Alderman ‖ Freeman's, and La Motte's near the Exchange; the like of the Earl of Arundel's in Loth-bury; the like of the Bishop of London's Palace, the Dean of Paul's, and the Lord River's House now in hand; as also of the Duke's-Place, and others heretofore.

9. Of the sixteen Parishes, next without the Walls, Saint Giles Cripplegate hath been most enlarged, next to that Saint Olaves Southwark, then Saint Andrew's Holborn, then White-Chappel, the difference in the rest not being considerable.

10. Of the Out-Parishes, now called ten, formerly nine, and before that eight, Saint Giles's and Saint Martin's in the Fields are most increased, notwithstanding Saint Paul's Covent-Garden was taken out of them both.

11. The general Observation, which arises from hence, is, That the City of London gradually removes Westward, and did not the Royal Exchange and London-Bridg stay the Trade, it would remove much faster: for Leaden-Hall-street, Bishop's-Gate, and part of Fen-Church-street, have lost their Ancient Trade; Grace-Church-street indeed keeping it self yet entire, by reason of its conjunction with, and relation to London-Bridg. ‖

12. Again, Canning-street and Watlin-street, have lost their Trade of Woollen-Drapery to Paul's Church-Yard, Ludgate hill, and Fleet-street: the Mercery is gone from out of Lumbard-street and Cheap-side into Pater-Noster-Row and Flect-street.

13. The reasons whereof are, That the King's Court (in old times frequently kept in the City) is now always at Westminster. Secondly, the use of Coaches, whereunto the narrow Streets of the old City are unfit, hath caused the building of those broader Streets in Covent-Garden, &c.

14. Thirdly, where the Consumption of a Commodity is, viz. among the Gentry, the Venders of the same must seat themselves.

15. Fourthly, the cramming up of the void spaces and Gardens within the Walls with Houses, to the prejudice of Light and Air, have made men build new ones, where they less fear those inconveniencies.

16. Conformity in Building to other civil Nations hath disposed us to let our old Wooden dark Houses fall to decay, and to build new ones, whereby to answer all the ends above-mentioned.

17. Where note, That when Lud-gate was the only Western Gate of the City, little ‖ Building was Westward thereof: but, when Holborn began to increase, New-gate was made. But now both these Gates are not sufficient for the Communication between the Walled City, and its enlarged Western Suburbs, as daily appears by the intolerable stops and embarasses of Coaches near both these Gates, especially Lud-gate.

CHAP. X.

Of the Inequality of Parishes.

1. BEfore we pass from hence, we shall offer to consideration the Inequality of Parishes in and about London, evident in the proportion of their respective Burials; for in the same year were Buried in Cripple-gate-Parish 1191, that but twelve died in Trinity-Minories, Saint Saviour's Southwark, and Botolph's Bishops-gate, being of the middle size, as burying five and 600 per Annum: so that Cripple-gate is an hundred times as big as the Minories, and 200 times as big as Saint John the Evangelist's, Mary-Coal-Church, Bennet's-Grace-Church, Matthew-Friday-street, ‖ and some others within the City.

2. Hence may arise this Question, Wherefore should this Inequality be continued? If it be Answered, Because that Pastours of all sorts, and sizes of Abilities, may have Benefices, each man according to his merit: we Answer, That a two hundredth part of the best Parson's learning is scarce enough for a Sexton. But besides, there seems no reason of any difference at all, it being as much Science to save one single Soul, as one thousand.

3. We incline therefore to think the Parishes should be equal , or near, because, in the Reformed Religions, the principal use of Churches is to Preach in: now the bigness of such a Church ought to be no greater, than that unto which the voice of a Preacher of middling Lungs will easily extend; I say easily, because they speak an hour or more together.

4. The use of such large Churches, as Paul's, is now wholly lost, we having no need of saying perhaps fifty Masses all at one time; nor of making those grand Processions frequent in the Romish Church; nor is the shape of our Cathedral proper at all for our Preaching Auditories, but rather the Figure of an Amphi-Theater with Galleries, gradually over-looking ‖ each other: for unto this Condition the Parish-Churches of London are driving apace, as appears by the many Galleries every day built in them.

5. Moreover, if Parishes were brought to the size of Coalman-street, Alhallows-Barking, Christ-Church, Black-Friers, &c. in each whereof die between 100 and 150 per Annum, then an hundred Parishes would be a fit and equal Division of this great charge, and all the Ministers (some whereof have now scarce fourty pounds per Annum) might obtain a subsistence.

6. And lastly, The Church-Wardens and Over-seers of the Poor might find it possible to discharge their Duties, whereas now in the greater Out-Parishes many of the poorer Parishioners through neglect do perish, and many vicious persons get liberty to live as they please, for want of some heedful Eye to overlook them. ‖

CHAP. XI.

Of the number of Inhabitants.

I Have been several times in company with men of great experience in this City, and have heard them talk seldom under Millions of People to be in London : all which I was apt enough to believe, until, on a certain day, one of eminent Reputation was upon occasion asserting, That there was in the year 1661 two Millions of People more than Anno 1625 before the great Plague. I must confess, that, until this provocation, I had been frighted, with that mis-understood Example of David , from attempting any computation of the People of this populous place; but hereupon I both examined the lawfulness of making such Enquiries, and, being satisfied thereof, went about the work it self in this manner: viz.

2. First, I imagined, That, if the Conjecture of the worthy Person afore-mentioned had any truth in it, there must needs be about six or seven Millions of People in London ‖ now; but, repairing to my Bills, I found, that not above 15000 per Annum were buried; and consequently, that not above one in four hundred must die per Annum, if the Total were but six Millions.

3. Next considering, That it is esteemed an even lay, whether any man lives ten years longer , I supposed it was the same, that one of any ten might die within one year. But when I considered, that of the 15000 afore-mentioned about 5000 were Abortive and Still-born, or died of Teeth, Convulsion, Rickets, or as Infants, and Chrysoms, and Aged; I concluded, that of Men and Women, between ten and sixty, there scarce died 10000 per Annum in London, which number being multiplied by 10 , there must be but 10000 in all, that is not the part of what the Alderman imagined. These were but sudden thoughts on both sides, and both far from truth, I thereupon endeavoured to get a little nearer, thus: viz.

4. I considered, that the number of Child-bearing Women might be about double to the Births: forasmuch as such Women, one with another, have scarce more than one Child in two years. The number of Births I found, by those years wherein the Registries were well kept, to have been somewhat less than ‖ the Burials. The Burials in these late years at a Medium are about 13000, and consequently the Christenings not above 12000. I therefore esteemed the number of Teeming-Women to be 24000: then I imagined, that there might be twice as many Families, as of such Women; for that there might be twice as many Women Aged between 16 and 76, as between 16 and 40, or between 20 and 44; and that there were about eight Persons in a Family, one with another, viz. the Man and his Wife, three Children and three Servants or Lodgers: now 8 times 48000 makes 384000.

5. Secondly, I find, by telling the number of Families in some Parishes within the Walls, that 3 out of 11 Families per annum have died: wherefore, 13000 having died in the whole, it should follow, there were 48000 Families according to the last-mentioned Account.

6. Thirdly, the Account, which I made of the Trained-Bands and Auxiliary-Souldiers doth enough justifie this Account.

7. And lastly, I took the Map of London set out in the year 1658 by Richard Newcourt , drawn by a Scale of Yards. Now I ghessed that in 100 Yards square there might be about 54 Families, supposing every House ‖ to be 20 Foot in the front: for on two sides of the said square there will be 100 Yards of Housing in each, and in the two other sides 80 each; in all 360 Yards: that is, 54 Families in each square, of which there are 220 within the Walls, making in all 11880 Families within the Walls. But forasmuch as there die within the Walls about 3200 per Annum, and in the whole 13000; it follows, that the Housing within the Walls is ¼ part of the whole, and consequently, that there are 47520 Families in and about London, which agrees well enough with all my former computations: the worst whereof doth sufficiently demonstrate, that there are two Millions of People in London, which nevertheless most men do believe, as they do, that there be three Women for one Man, whereas there are fourteen Men for thirteen Women, as elsewhere hath been said .

8. We have (though perhaps too much at Random) determined the number of the Inhabitants of London to be about 384000: the which being granted, we assert, that 199112 are Males, and 184186 Females.

9. Whereas we have found , that of 100 quick Conceptions about 36 of them die before they be six years old, and that perhaps but one surviveth 76 ; we having seven Decads ‖ between six and 76, we sought six mean proportional numbers between 64, the remainder, living at six years, and the one, which survives 76, and find, that the numbers following are practically near enough to the truth; for men do not die in exact proportions, nor in Fractions, from whence arises this Table following.

Viz. Of an hundred there die within the first six years 36

The next ten years, or Decad | 24
The second Decad | 15
The third Decad | 9
The fourth | 6
The next | 4
The next | 3
The next | 2
The next | 1

10. From whence it follows, that of the said 100 conceived, there remain alive at six years end 64.

At sixteen years end | 40
At twenty six | 25
At thirty six | 16
At fourty six | 10
At fifty six | 6
At sixty [six] | 3
At seventy six | 1
At eighty [six] | 0 ‖

11. It follows also, That of all which have been conceived, there are now alive 40 per Cent. above sixteen years old, 25 above twenty six years old, & sic deinceps, as in the above-Table. There are therefore of Aged between 16 and 56 the number of 40, less by six, viz. 34; of between 26 and 66 the number of 25, less by three, viz. 22: & sic deinceps.

Wherefore, supposing there be 199112 Males, and the number between 16 and 56 being 34; it follows, there are 34 per Cent. of all those Males fighting Men in London, that is 67694, viz. near 70000; the truth whereof I leave to examination, only the ⅕ of 67694, viz. 13539, is to be added for Westminster, Stepney, Lambeth, and the other distant Parishes; making in all 81233 fighting Men.

12. The next enquiry will be, In how long time the City of London shall, by the ordinary proportion of Breeding and dying, double its breeding People? I answer, In about seven years, and (Plagues considered) eight. Wherefore, since there be 24000 pair of Breeders, that is ⅛ of the whole, it follows, that in eight times eight years the whole People of the City shall double, without the access of Forreiners: the which contradicts not ‖ our Account of its growing from two to five in 56 years with such accesses

13. According to this proportion, one couple, viz. Adam and Eve, doubling themselves every 64 years of the 5610 years , which is the Age of the World according to the Scriptures, shall produce far more People than are now in it. Wherefore the World is not above 100 thousand years older , as some vainly imagine, nor above what the Scripture makes it.

CHAP. XII.

Of the Country-Bills.

WE have, for the present, done with our Observations upon the Accounts of Burials and Christenings in and about London; we shall next present the Accounts of both Burials, Christenings, and also of Weddings in the Country, having to that purpose inserted Tables of 90 years for a certain Parish in Hantshire , being a place neither famous for Longevity and Healthfulness, nor for the contrary. Upon which Tables we observe, ‖

1. That every Wedding, one with another, produces four Children, and consequently that that is the proportion of Children which any Marriageable Man or Woman may be presumed shall have. For, though a man may be Married more than once, yet, being once Married, he may die without any Issue at all.

2. That in this Parish there were born 15 Females for 16 Males, whereas in London there were 13 for 14, which shews, that London is somewhat more apt to produce Males than the Country. And it is possible, that in some other places there are more Females born than Males: which, upon this variation of proportion, I again recommend to the examination of the curious.

3. That in the said whole 90 years the Burials of the Males and Females were exactly equal, and that in several Decads they differed not part; That in one of the two Decads, wherein the difference was very notorious, there were Buried of Males 337, and of Females but 284, viz. 53 difference, and in the other there died contrariwise 338 Males, and 386 Females, differing 46.

4. There are also Decads, where the Birth of Males and Females differ very much, viz. about 60. ‖

5. That in the said 90 years there have been born more than buried in the said Parish (the which, both 90 years ago, and also now, consisted of about 2700 Souls) but 1059, viz. not 12 per Annum, one year with another.

6. That these 1059 have in all probability contributed to the increase of London; since, as was said even now, it neither appears by the Burials, Christenings, or by the built of new housing, that the said Parish is more populous now, than 90 years ago, by above two or 300 Souls. Now, if all other places send about ⅓ of their increase, viz. about one out of 900 of their Inhabitants Annually to London, and that there be 14 times as many People in England as there be in London (for which we have given some Reasons ) then London increases by such Advenœ every year above 6000: the which will make the Account of Burials to swell about 200 per Annum, and will answer the increases we observe. It is clear, that the said Parish is increased about 300, and it is probable that three or four hundred more went to London; and it is known, That about 400 went to New-England, the Caribe-Islands, and New-found-Land, within these last fourty years. ‖

7. According to the Medium of the said whole 90 years, there have been five Christenings for four Burials, although in some single Years and Decads there have been three to two, although sometimes (though more rarely) the Burials have exceeded the Births, as in the case of Epidemical Diseases.

8. Our former Observation , That healthful years are also the most fruitful, is much confirmed by our Country Accounts; for, 70 being our Standard for Births, and 58 for Burials, you shall find, that where fewer than 58 died, more than 70 were born. Having given you a few instances thereof, I shall remit you to the Tables for the general proof of this Assertion: Viz. Anno 1633, when 103 were born, there died but 29. Now, in none of the whole 90 years, more were born than 103, and but in one fewer than 29 died, viz. 28 Anno 1658. Again Anno 1568, when 93 were born, but 42 died. Anno 1584, when 90 were born, but 41 died. Anno 1650, when 86 were born. but 52 died. So that by how much more are born, by so much (as it were) the fewer die. For when 103 were born, but 29 died: but when but 86 were born, then 52 died.

On the other side, Anno 1638, when 156 died per Annum, which was the greatest year ‖ of Mortality, then less than the meer Standard 70,. viz. but 66, were born. Again Anno 1644, when 137 died, but 59 were born. Anno 1597, when 117 died, but 48 were born. And Anno 1583, when 87 died, but 59 were born.

A little Irregularity may be found herein, as that Anno 1612, when 116 died (viz. a number double to our Standard 58, yet) 87 (viz. 17 above the Standard 70) were born. And that when 89 died, 75 were born: but these differences are not so great, nor so often, as to evert our Rule, which, besides the Authority of these Accounts, is probable in it self.

9. Of all the said 90 years the year 1638 was the most Mortal; I therefore enquired, whether the Plague was then in that Parish, and having good satisfaction that it was not, (which I rather believe, because that the Plague was not then considerable at London) but that it was a Malignant Fever, raging so fiercely about Harvest, that there appeared scarce hands enough to take in the Corn: which argues, considering there were 2700 Parishioners, that seven might be sick for one that died: whereas of the Plague more die than recover. Lastly, these People lay longer sick than is usual in the Plague, nor was there any mention of Sorcs, Swellings, Blew-Tokens, ‖ &c. among them. It follows, that the proportion between the greatest and the least Mortalitics in the Country are far greater than at London: Forasmuch as the greatest 156 is above quintuple unto 28 the least, whereas in London (the Plague excepted, as here it hath been) the number of Burials upon other Accounts within no Decad of years hath been double, whereas in the Country it hath been quintuple, not only within the whole ninety years, but also within the same Decad: for Anno 1633 there died but 29, and Anno 1638 the above-mentioned number of 156. Moreover, as in London, in no Decad, the Burials of one year are double to those of another: so in the Country they are seldom not more than so; as by this Table appears .

| greatest | least
Decad | number of Burials
1 | 66 | 34
2 | 87 | 39
3 | 117 | 38
4 | 53 | 30
5 | 116 | 51
6 | 89 | 50
7 | 156 | 35
8 | 137 | 46
9 | 80 | 28 ‖

Which shews, that the opener and freer Airs are most subject both to the good and bad Impressions, and that the Fumes, Steams and Stenches of London do so medicate and impregnate the Air about it, that it becomes capable of little more, as if the said Fumes rising out of London met with, opposed and justled backwards the Influences falling from above, or resisted the Incursion of the Country-Airs.

10. In the last Paragraph we said, that the Burials in the Country were sometime quintuple to one another, but of the Christenings we affirm, that within the same Decad they are seldom double, as appears by this Table, viz. .

| greatest | least
Decad | number of Births
1 | 70 | 50
2 | 90 | 45
3 | 71 | 52
4 | 93 | 60
5 | 87 | 61
6 | 85 | 63
7 | 103 | 66
8 | 87 | 62
9 | 86 | 52 ‖

Now, although the disproportions of Births be not so great as that of Burials, yet these disproportions are far greater than at London: for let it be shewn in any of the London Bills, that within two years the Christenings have decreased ½, or increased double, as they did Anno 1584, when 90 were born, and Anno 1586, wherein were but 45: or to rise from 52, as Anno 1593, to 71, as in the next year 1594. Now these disproportions both in Births and Burials confirm what hath been before asserted , That Healthfulness and Fruitfulness go together, as they would not, were there not disproportions in both, although proportional.

11. By the Standard of Burials in this Parish I thought to have computed the number of Inhabitants in it, viz. by multiplying 58 by 4 , which made the Product 232, the number of Families. Hereupon I wondred, that a Parish containing a large Market-Town, and 12 Miles compass, should have but 232 Houses; I then multiplyed 232 by 8, the Product whereof was 1856, thereby hoping to have had the number of the Inhabitants, as I had for London : but when upon enquiry, I found there had been 2100 Communicants in that Parish, in the time of a Minister who forced too many into that Ordinance, and ‖ that 1500 was the ordinary number of Communicants in all times; I found also, that forasmuch as there were near as many under 16 years old, as there are above , viz. Communicants, I concluded, that there must be about 2700 or 2800 Souls in that Parish: from whence it follows, that little more than one of 50 dies in the Country, whereas in London it seems manifest, that about one in 32 dies , over and above what dies of the Plague.

12. It follows therefore from hence, what I more faintly asserted in the former Chapter , that the Country is more healthful than the City; that is to say, although men die more regularly, and less per saltum in London, than in the Country, yet, upon the whole matter, there die fewer per rata; so as the Fumes, Steams, and Stenches above-mentioned, although they make the Air of London more equal, yet not more Healthful.

13. When I consider, That in the Country seventy are Born for fifty eight Buried, and that before the year 1600 the like happened in London, I considered, whether a City, as it becomes more populous, doth not, for that very cause, become more unhealthful: and inclined to believe, that London now is more unhealthful than heretofore; partly for that ‖ it is more populous, but chiefly because I have heard, that sixty years ago few Sea-Coals were burnt in London, which are now universally used. For I have heard, that Newcastle is more unhealthful than other places and that many People cannot at all endure the smoak of London, not only for its unpleasantness, but for the suffocations which it causes .

14. Suppose, that Anno 1569 there were 2400 Souls in that Parish, and that they increased by the Births 70, exceeding the Burials 58, it will follow, that the said 2400 cannot double under 200. Now, if London be less healthful than the Country, as certainly it is, the Plague being reckoned in, it follows, that London must be doubling it self by generation in much above 200 : but if it hath increased from 2 to 5 in 54, as aforesaid, the same must be by reason of transplantation out of the country. ‖

The Conclusion.

IT may be now asked, To what purpose tends all this laborious bustling and groping? To know,

1. The number of the People?

2. How many Males and Females?

3. How many Married and Single?

4. How many Teeming Women?

5. How many of every Septenary, or Decad of years in age?

6. How many Fighting Men?

7. How much London is, and by what steps it hath, increased?

8. In what time the Housing is replenished after a Plague?

9. What proportion die of each general and particular Casualties?

10. What Years are Fruitful and Mortal, and in what Spaces and Intervals they follow each other?

11. In what proportion Men neglect the Orders of the Church, and Sects have increased? ‖

12. The disproportion of Parishes?

13. Why the Burials in London exceed the Christenings, when the contrary is visible in the Country?

To this I might answer in general, by saying, that those, who cannot apprehend the reason of these Enquiries, are unfit to trouble themselves to ask them.

2. I might answer by asking, Why so many have spent their times and Estates about the Art of making Gold? which, if it were much known, would only exalt Silver into the place which Gold now possesseth; and if it were known but to some one Person, the same single Adeptus could not, nay, durst not enjoy it, but must be either a Prisoner to some Prince, and Slave to some Voluptuary, or else skulk obscurely up and down for his privacy and concealment.

3. I might answer, That there is much pleasure in deducing so many abstruse and unexpected inferences out of these poor despised Bills of Mortality; and in building upon that ground, which hath lain waste these eighty years. And there is pleasure in doing something new, though never so little, without pestering the World with voluminous Transcriptions. ‖

4. But I answer more seriously, by complaining, That whereas the Art of Governing, and the true Politicks, is how to preserve the Subject in Peace and Plenty; that men study only that part of it which teacheth how to supplant and over-reach one another, and how, not by fair out-running, but by tripping up each other's heels, to win the Prize.

Now, the Foundation or Elements of this honest harmless Policy is to understand the Land, and the hands of the Territory, to be governed according to all their intrinsick and accidental differences: As for example; It were good to know the Geometrical Content, Figure, and Situation of all the Lands of a Kingdom, especially according to its most natural, permanent, and conspicuous Bounds. It were good to know how much Hay an Acre of every sort of Meadow will bear; how many Cattel the same weight of each sort of Hay will feed and fatten; what quantity of Grain and other Commodities the same Acre will bear in one, three, or seven years, communibus Annis; unto what use each soil is most proper. All which particulars I call the intrinsick value: for there is also another value meerly accidental, or extrinsick, consisting of the Causes why a parcel of Land, ‖ lying near a good Market, may be worth double to another parcel, though but of the same intrinsick goodness; which answers the Queries, why Lands in the North of England are worth but sixteen years purchase, and those of the West above eight and twenty. It is no less necessary to know how many People there be of each Sex, State, Age, Religion, Trade, Rank, or Degree, &c. by the knowledge whereof, Trade and Government may be made more certain and Regular; for, if men knew the People, as aforesaid, they might know the consumption they would make, so as Trade might not be hoped for where it is impossible. As for instance, I have heard much complaint, that Trade is not set in some of the South-western and North-western Parts of Ireland, there being so many excellent Harbours for that purpose; whereas in several of those places I have also heard, that there are few other Inhabitants, but such as live ex sponte creatis, and are unfit Subjects of Trade, as neither employing others, nor working themselves.

Moreover, if all these things were clearly and truly known (which I have but ghessed at) it would appear, how small a part of the People work upon necessary Labours and ‖ Callings, viz. how many Women and Children do just nothing, only learning to spend what others get; how many are meer Voluptuaries, and as it were meer Gamesters by Trade; how many live by puzling poor people with unintelligible Notions in Divinity and Philosophy; how many by perswading credulous, delicate, and ligitious Persons, that their Bodies or Estates are out of Tune, and in danger; how many by fighting as Souldiers; how many by Ministries of Vice and Sin; how many by Trades of meer Pleasure, or Ornaments; and how many in a way of lazy attendance, &c. upon others: And on the other side, how few are employed in raising and working necessary Food and Covering; and of the speculative men, how few do study Nature and Things! The more ingenious not advancing much further than to write and speak wittily about these matters.

I conclude, That a clear knowledge of all these particulars, and many more, whereat I have shot but at rovers, is necessary, in order to good, certain, and easie Government, and even to balance Parties and Factions both in Church and State. But whether the knowledge thereof be necessary to many, or fit for others than the Sovereign and his chief Ministers, I leave to consideration. ‖

AN APPENDIX .

FOrasmuch as a long and serious perusal of all the Bills of Mortality, which this great City hath afforded for almost fourscore years, hath advanced but the few Observations comprised in the fore-going Treatise; I hope very little will be expected from the few scattered Papers that have come to my hands since the publishing thereof, especially from one that hath learned from the Royal Society, how many Observations go to the making up of one Theoreme, which (like Oaks and other Trees fit for durable Building) must be of many years growth.

The Accounts which follow, I reckon but as Timber and Stones; and the best Inferences I can make, are but as hewing them to a Square: as for composing a beautiful and ‖ firm Structure out of them, I leave it to the Architecture of the said Society, under whom I think it honour enough to work as a Labourer.

My first Observation shall be, That at Dublin the Number of Weekly Burials being about 20, and those of London about 300, as also the Number of People reckoned to be within the Limits of the Bills of Mortality at London to be 460000; it will follow, that the Number of Inhabitants of Dublin be about 30000, viz. about one fifteenth part of those in and about London, which agrees with that Number which I have heard the Books of Poll-Money, raised but little before the time of this Bill, have exhibited as the Number of Inhabitants of that City: So as although I do not think one single Weekly Bill is sufficient to ground such a Conclusion upon, yet I think that several yearly Bills are the best of the easie ways from which to collect the Number of the People.

Secondly, Although I take it for granted, that in Dublin there be more Born than Buried, because the same hath appeared to be so in London by the Bills of Mortality before the year 1641, when the Civil Wars began, and much more eminently in Amsterdam, as shall be hereafter shewn; yet there are but 14 set down as Christned; which shews, that ‖ the defect there is much the same as at London, whether the cause thereof be negligence in the Register, on non-conformity to Publick Order, or both, I leave to the curious. I believe the cause is also the same, forasmuch as I heard it to be a Maxim at Dublin, to follow, if not forerun, all that is, or as they understand will be, practised in London; and that in all particulars incident to humane affairs.

I have here inserted two other Country-Bills, the one of Cranbrook in Kent, the other of Tiverton in Devonshire, which with that of Hantshire , lying about the midway between them, give us a view of the most Easterly, Southerly, and Westerly parts of England: I have endeavoured to procure the like account from Northumberland, Cheshire, Norfolk, and Nottinghamshire; Thereby to have a view of seven Counties most differently situated, from whence I am sorry to observe that my Southern friends have been hitherto more curious and diligent than those of the North. The full observation from these Bills is, that all these three Country Bills agree, that each Wedding produces four Children, which is likewise confirmed from the Bills of Amsterdam. Secondly, they all agree that there be more Males born than Females, ‖ but in different proportions, for at Cranbrook there be 20 Males for 19 Females, in Hantshire, 16 for 15, in London 14 for 13, and at Tiverton, 12 for 11. Thirdly, I have inserted the Bills themselves, to the end that whoever pleases may examin, by all three together, the Observations I raised from the Hantshire Bill alone; conceiving it will be more pleasure and satisfaction to do it themselves, than to receive it from another hand. Only I shall add, as a new Observation from them all, that in the years 1648 and 1649, being the time when the people of England did most resent the horrid Parricide of his late Sacred Majesty, that there were but nine weddings in that year in the same places, when there were ordinarily between 30 and 40 per Annum; and but 16, when there were ordinarily at other times between 50 and 60. And it may be also observed that something of this black murder appeared in the years 1643 and 1644, when the Civil war was at the highest, but the contrary in the years 1654, 1655, &c. to prevent the new way of Marriage then imposed upon the people .

I have also supplied the Tables from the three general Bills for the years 1662, 1663, and 1664, which you will find to justifie ‖ the former Observations. But most eminently that which I take to be of most concernment, namely, of the difference between the numbers of Males and Females.

In the former Observations I did endeavour to deduce the number of the Inhabitants about the City of London, from the Bills of Mortality, concluding them to be about 460000 , and did likewise set forth by what steps the people of the said City have increased from two to five since the year 1600 .

And particularly in what proportions the City increased in its several parts from time to time: I have now procured an Account of the Men, Women, and Children, which were Anno 1631 . found within the Liberties of London, which are circumscribed by Temple-Bar, Holborn-Bars, Smithfield-Bars, Shoreditch-Bars, White-chappel-Bars, and to the Tower Liberties, and Meal-market in Southwark; by which Account I hope it will appear, that I computed too many rather than too few, although the most part of men have thought otherwise. Nor do I wonder at it, since I never observed more enormous mistakes in any matter than concerning the number of people, Ale-houses, Coaches, Ships, Sea-men, Water-men, and several ‖ other Tradesmen, &c. The proportions of all which I have always thought is necessary to be known, in order to an exact Symmetry of the several members of a Common-wealth. I say, that the whole number of Inhabitants exceeds not 460000.

1. The number of Men, Women, and Children, found in the City and Liberties 1631, was 130178.

2. The Liberties of the City of London consist of the 97 Parishes within the Walls, and of ⅔ of the 16 Parishes next without them, which estimate of mine, nevertheless, I leave to examination.

The Liberties of London from the year 1631 to the year 1661 increased from 8 to 11, as may appear by the Tables, and consequently the said 130000 found in the year 1631, were increased to 179000, in Anno 1661.

Lastly, the Liberties of London in the year 1661 were in proportion to the whole, as 4 to 9, and consequently if there were 179000 souls, in the said Liberties, there was not above 403000 in the whole number of Parishes then comprehended in the Bills of Mortality.

The substance of the Amsterdam Bills of Mortality is, viz.

1. That there died in the several years of the Plague, as followeth: ‖

Anno | 1622 | 4141
| 1623 | 5929
| 1624 | 11795
| 1625 | 6781
| 1626 | 4425
| 1627 | 3976
| 1628 | 4497
| 1636 | 17193
| 1655 | 16727
| 1663 | 9752
| 1664 | 24148

2. That there are eleven burying-places, besides the Hospital and Pest-house, 257 Streets and Lanes, with 43 Burgwalls and Grachts in that City.

3. That in seven years, beginning from the 15 of August 1617 to the same day 1624, there were Christned in the reformed Churches of Amsterdam 52537, and that there died in the same time 32532. So as there were 20005 more born than buried, besides those that were Christned in other Congregations. And in the same time were 16430 publisht Marriages.

4. That in the first week of September 1664 there died 1041, and in eighteen weeks before the Burials increased from 331 up to the said number of 1041, ‖ and in twelve weeks after decreased back to the like number of 330.

5. In February following there died but 118 a week, and the ordinary number of weekly Burials is about 100, so as London seems to be three times as big as Amsterdam.

6. I have likewise hapned on some other Accompts, relating to Mortalities of some great Cities of the World, of what Authority I know not, but as printed at Amsterdam 1664, viz. Anno 1619 there died in Grand Cairo in ten weeks 73500, without any visible diminution of the people.

7. Anno 1625 there died in Leyden 9597. Anno 1635 there died in the same City of Leyden from the 14 of July, to the 29 of December 14381, the greatest week of mortality being the latter end of October was 1452. This Plague in 15 weeks increased from 96, to the said number of 1452, and in ten weeks after decreased to 107. Answerable to the time of Increase and Decrease afore-mentioned in Amsterdam, Anno 1655, there died in 21 weeks from July to November 13287, the greatest week being Septemb. 25. when died 896.

8. At Harlem there died in the same year, in the months of August, September, October and November 5723. ‖

9. Anno 1637, in Constantinople there died 1500 per diem, but how long this Plague lasted, appeareth not.

10. The same year died in Prague 20000 Christians, and 10000 Jews.

11. Anno 1652 there died in Cracovia 17000 Christians, and 20000 Jews.

12. Anno 1653 there died in Dantzick in the last week of September 640, and in Conningsburg 490.

13. 1654 there died in Copenhagen for several weeks 700 per week.

14. Anno 1655 there died at Amsterdam and Leyden, as above-mentioned; and at Deventer 70, 80, and 90 per diem.

15. At Leeuwardeen 56 per diem.

16. Anno 1656 there was so sweeping a Plague at Naples, that there died of it at the latter end of May 1300, or 1400 per diem. The sixth of June there were 80000 sick, that the well were not able to help, or bury the dead; presently after there died 5000 in three days; in August it began to cease, after it had destroyed 300000 people.

17. The Town of Scala in Italy was quite dispeopled, and at Minory there scaped but 22. At Rome there died in the same year about 100 per diem for a great while together. ‖

18. 1657 There died at Genoa in Midsummer week 1200, afterwards there died 1600 per diem; insomuch that in the beginning of August they burnt the dead Corps for want of hands to bury them, which great Mortality decreased to five or six per diem before September was out. The total sum of all that died was about 70000.

19. At Bergen in Norway, Anno 1618 the Plague is represented to have been very terrible, by saying that there died 50 or 60 per diem, and that the whole City was in tears, that the Coffin-makers refused to make Coffins, that parents carried their children, and children their parents to the grave. But forasmuch as it was not mentioned how populous this place was, nor for how many days the Mortality continued, I can make but little estimate of this Plague, by what is above related.

20. The general Observations arising from the above-mentioned particulars, are as followeth:

First, That Northern, as well as Southern Countries are infested with great Plagues; although in the Southern Countries they are more vehement, and do both begin and end more suddenly.

21. Secondly, from the year 1652 the ‖ Plague was at Cracow, 1653 at Dantzick and Coningsburg, 1654 at Copenhagen, 1655 at Leyden and Amsterdam, and other Towns in the Netherlands, 1656 at Naples and Rome, 1657 at Genoa; So as it well deserves enquiry, whether the Plague in all these places were a sickness of the same kind, and did successively perambulate the several Countries above-mentioned; or whether it were a several disease in each place.

22. Thirdly, that the Plague is longer in rising to its heighth, than in decreasing to the same pitch; and the proportion thereof, in such cases where it hath most plainly appeared, is about three to two; for at Amsterdam it was eighteen weeks rising, and twelve decreasing; and at Leyden fifteen upon the increase, and ten decreasing.

It may be further observed, that in the four several times of great Mortality, the height was not always in the same month; for Anno 1592 it was the second week in August, when there died 1550 of all diseases; in the year 1603 the height was the second week of September, when there died 3129 of all diseases; in 1625 the extremity was in the third week in August, when there died 5205. Anno 1636 the like extremity was in the first week of October, there then dying 4005 of ‖ all diseases. In this place I think fit to intimate, that considering the present increase of the City from Anno 1625 to this time, which is from eight to thirteen, that until the Burials exceed 8400 per week, the Mortality will not exceed that of 1625. Which God for ever avert.

It may be further observed, that the time of the Plagues continuance at the height was of several durations, for Anno 1592 it continued from the first week in July to the second of September, without increasing or decreasing above 100 in 1600; whereas in 1603 it remain'd but three weeks at the state, decreasing near ¼ the next week after the height; Anno 1625 it remain'd not three weeks at a stay, increasing part the next week before the height, and decreasing as much the next week after. Anno 1636 it stood five weeks without increasing or decreasing above part afore-mentioned.

Concerning the disease of the Plague, Anno 1592 it increased to of the greatest number that died in twenty weeks; Anno 1603, it did the same in eleven; Anno 1625, in nine weeks; Anno 1636, as it was not so fierce as in the other years, so it was of longer continuance, as hath been else-where noted . ‖

The last thing I shall observe is, that in all the four great years of mortality above-mentioned, I do not find that any week the Plague increased to the double of the precedent week above five times.

Anno 1631. Ann. 7. Caroli I.

THE number of Men, Women, and Children, in the several Wards of London, and Liberties: taken in August 1631, by special command from the Right Honourable the Lords of His Majesties Privy Council .

Algate Ward | 04763
Bishopsgate | 07788
Bassishaw | 01006
Breadstreet | 02568
Bridg-ward within | 02392
Bridg-ward without | 18660
Billingsgate | 02597
Broadstreet | 03503
Colemanstreet | 026234
Cornhil | 01439
Cripplegate without | 06445
Cripplegate within | 04231
Farrington without | 20846
Farrington within | 08770
Cordwainer | 02238
| ——
| 89880 ‖
| ——
Aldersgate | 03594
Limestreet | 01107
Queenhith | 03358
Vintry | 02742
Tower-ward | 04248
Downgate | 03516
Langbourn | 03168
Portsoken-ward | 05703
Cheap-ward | 02500
Wallbrook | 02069
Candleweek-ward | 01696
Castle-Baynard | 04793
| ——
| 38404
| ——
Bartholomew the great | 01388
Bartholomew the less | 00506
| 38404
| 89880
| ——
| 130178

The Table of Burials, and Christnings, in London¹.
Anno Dom. | 97 Parishes. | 16 Parishes. | Out Parishes. | Buried in all | Besides of the Plague | Christned
1604 | 1518 | 2097 | 708 | 4323 | 896 | 5458
1605 | 2014 | 2974 | 960 | 5948 | 444 | 6504
1606 | 1941 | 2920 | 935 | 5796 | 2124 | 6614
1607 | 1879 | 2772 | 1019 | 5670 | 2352 | 6582
1608 | 2391 | 3218 | 1149 | 6758 | 2262 | 6845
1609 | 2494 | 3610 | 1441 | 7545 | 4240 | 6388
1610 | 2326 | 3791 | 1369 | 7486 | 1803 | 6785
1611 | 2152 | 3398 | 1166 | 6716 | 627 | 7014
| 16715 | 24780 | 8747 | 50242 | 14752 | 52190

The Table of Burials, and Christnings, in London.

Anno Dom.
97 Parishes
16 Parishes
Out-Parishes
Buried in all
Besides of the Plague
Christned

1612

1613

1614

1615

1616

1617

1618

1619

2473

2406

2369

2446

2490

2397

2815

2339

3843

3679

3504

3791

3876

4109

4715

3857

1462

1418

1494

1613

1697

1774

2066

1804

7778

7503

7367

7850

8063

8280

9596

7999

64

16

22

37

9

6

18

9

6986

6846

7208

7682

7985

7747

7735

8127

19735
31374
13328
64436
171
60316

1620

1621

1622

1623

1624

1625

1626

1627

2726

2438

2811

3591

3385

5143

2150

2325

4819

3759

4217

4721

5919

9819

3285

3400

2146

1915

2392

2783

2895

3886

1965

1988

6691

8112

8943

11095

12199

18848

7401

7711

21

11

16

17

11

35417

134

4

7845

8039

7894

7945

8299

6983

6701

8408

24569
39940
19970
84000
35631
62114 ‖

1628

1629

1630

1631

1632

1633

1634

1635

2412

2536

2506

2459

2704

2378

2937

2742

3311

3992

4201

3697

4412

3936

4980

4966

2017

2243

2521

2132

2411

2078

2982

2943

7740

8771

9237

8288

9527

8393

10399

10651

3

0

1317

274

8

0

1

0

8564

9901

9315

8524

9584

9997

9855

10034

20694
33495
19327
73505
1603
75774

1636

1637

1638

1639

1640

1641

1642

1643

2825

2288

3584

2592

2919

3248

3176

3395

6924

4265

5926

4344

5156

5092

5245

5552

3210

2128

3751

2612

3246

3427

3578

3269

12959

8681

13261

9548

11321

11767

11999

12216

10400

3082

363

314

1450

1375

1274

996

9522

9160

10311

10150

10850

10670

10370

9410

23987
42544
25221
91752
19244
80443

The Tables of Burials, and Christnings, in London.

Anno Dom.
97 Parishes.
16 Parishes.
Out Parishes.
Buried in all
Besides of the Plague
Christned

1644

1645

1646

1647

1648

1649

1650

1651

2593

2524

2746

2672

2480

2865

2301

2845

4274

4639

4872

4749

4288

4714

4138

5002

2474

2445

2797

3041

2515

2920

2310

2597

9441

9608

10415

10462

9283

10499

8749

10804

1492

1871

2365

3597

611

67

15

23

8104

7966

7163

7332

6544

5825

5612

6071

21021
36676
21199
78896
10041
54617 ‖

1652

1653

1654

1655

1656

1657

1658

1659

3293

2527

3323

2781

3327

3014

3613

3431

5719

4635

6063

5148

6573

5646

1692¹

6988

3546

2919

3845

3439

4015

3770

4443

4301

12553

10081

13231

11348

13915

12430

14979

14720

16

6

16

9

6

4

14

36

6128

6155

6620

7004

7050

6685

6170

5690

25288
47695
303278
103261
107
51502

1660

1661

1662

1663

1664

3098

3804

3123

3001

3448

5644

7309

6094

5602

7166

2926

5532

4423

4129

4829

12668

16645

13652

12732

15448

13

20

12

09

05

6971

8855

10019

10292

11722 ‖

The Table following contains the Number of Burials and Christenings in the seven Parishes hereafter mentioned, from the year 1636 unto the year 1659inclusive; all which time the Burials and christenings were jointly mentioned: the five last years the Christenings were omitted in the yearly Bills. This Table consists of seventeen Columns, the Total of all the Burials being contained in the sixteenth column: which Number being added to the Total in the Precedent Table of Burials and Christenings, makes the Total of every yearly or general Bill. ‖

The TABLE of Males, and Females, for LONDON.

An. Dom.
Buried
Christened

Males
Females
Males
Females

1629

1630

1631

1632

1633

1634

1635

1636

4668

5660

4549

4932

4369

5676

5548

12377

4103

4894

4013

4603

4023

5224

5103

10982

5218

4858

4422

4994

5158

5035

5106

4917

4683

4457

4102

4590

4839

4820

4928

47739
43945
39708
37024

1637

1638

1639

1640

47739

6392

7168

5351

6761

43945

5371

6456

4511

6010

4703

5359

5366

5518

4457

4952

4784

5332

Total
73451
65293
60664
56549

1641

1642

1643

1644

1645

1646

1647

1648

6872

7049

6842

5659

6014

6683

7313

5145

6270

6224

6360

5274

5465

6097

6746

4749

5470

5460

4793

4107

4047

3768

3796

3363

51577
47185
34804
32755 ‖

1649

1650

1651

1652

1653

1654

1655

1656

5454

4548

5680

6543

5410

6972

6027

7365

5112

4216

5147

6026

4671

6275

5330

6556

3079

2890

3231

3220

3196

3441

3655

3668

2746

2722

2840

2908

2959

3179

3349

3382

44005
41333
26380
24085

1657

1658

1659

1660

1661

1662

1663

1664

6572

7936

7451

7960

10448

8623

8035

9369

5856

7057

7305

7158

9287

7931

7321

8928

3396

3157

3209

3724

4748

5216

5411

6041

3289

3013

2781

3247

4107

4803

4881

5681

66400
60843
34902
31802

Total
235247
214658
156750
146231 ‖

The Table of the country-Parish¹.

Years
Communicants
Weddings
Christned
Buried

M.
F
Both
M.
F.
Both

1569

1570

1571

1572

1573

1574

1575

1576

1577

1578

14

19

18

23

21

16

24

22

13

20

38

29

28

32

34

21

37

33

29

31

30

32

26

32

36

29

29

37

26

35

68

61

54

54

20²

50

66

70

55

66

23

21

23

20

24

28

15

16

19

25

21

25

27

14

13

38

19

18

21

25

44

46

50

34

37

66

34

34

40

50

190
312
302
614
214
221
435

1579

80

81

82

83

84

85

86

87

1588

15

21

29

22

22

15

15

18

13

15

35

43

29

28

32

46

26

22

34

33

36

31

33

29

27

44

21

23

31

34

71

74

62

57

59

90

47

45

65

67

27

38

34

18

35

22

15

24

43

31

27

41

24

21

52

19

27

37

36

18

54

79

58

39

87

41

42

61

79

49

185
328
309
637
287
302
589 ‖

The Table of the Countly-Parish.

Years
Communicants
Weddings
Christned
Buried

M.
F
Both
M.
F.
Both

1589

90

91

92

93

94

95

96

97

98

20

16

12

14

20

24

16

9

23

21

31

40

37

40

32

34

32

36

23

37

27

29

28

25

20

37

28

26

25

29

58

69

65

65

52

71

60

62

48

66

28

36

35

28

33

16

33

42

53

33

16

21

30

19

32

22

28

29

64

23

44

57

65

47

65

38

61

71

117

66

175
342
274
616
337
219
631

1599

600

601

602

603

604

605

606

607

608

19

16

16

14

12

21

19

19

27

17

45

26

39

31

31

42

47

29

36

40

31

34

32

32

38

35

34

41

47

53

76

60

71

63

69

77

81

70

83

93

21

20

18

29

32

26

21

28

33

21

22

26

12

18

39

27

12

23

19

21

¹

46

30

47

71

53

33

51

52

42

181
366
377
743
249
219
468 ‖

The Table of the Countly-Parish.

Weddings
Christned

Buried

Years

M.
F.
Both
M.
F.
Both

1609

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

1618

23

19

25

20

24

25

22

14

17

8

30

46

40

55

41

50

35

38

45

37

31

30

41

32

33

35

48

36

31

41

61

76

81

87

74

85

83

74

76

78

24

33

41

53

47

27

28

27

35

23

41

40

32

63

41

36

36

41

28

28

65

73

73

116

88

63

64

68

63

51

197
417
358
775
338
386
724

The Table of the Countly-Parish.

Weddings
Christned

Buried

Years

M.
F.
Both
M.
F.
Both

1619

20

21

22

23

24

25

26

27

1628

21

20

21

23

14

19

7

9

18

16

37

34

31

45

40

30

37

30

45

39

43

51

37

38

36

33

41

35

23

36

80

85

68

83

76

63

78

65

68

75

26

18

28

20

56

29

30

21

24

47

28

30

36

26

31

35

20

29

29

42

54

48

64

46

87

64

56

50

53

89

168
368
373
741
305
306
611 ‖

1629

30

31

32

33

34

35

36

37

1638

22

8

20

16

12

23

11

15

13

13

53

58

42

43

38

30

39

50

35

30

38

45

29

50

65

45

32

37

36

36

91

103

71

93

103

75

71

87

71

66

46

26

26

15

18

18

18

42

25

83

28

27

33

21

11

26

17

48

35

73

74

53

59

36

29

44

35

90

60

156

153
418
413
831
317
319
636

1639

40

41

42

43

44

45

46

47

48

18

11

21

21

8

16

10

11

12

9

24

44

34

48

30

33

43

32

28

35

31

41

29

39

42

26

41

35

46

27

55

85

63

87

72

59

84

67

74

62

48

35

34

32

59

65

28

24

25

25

66

39

39

29

28

72

29

32

21

31

114

74

70

61

87

137

57

56

46

56

137
351
357
708
375
383
758 ‖

The Table of the Countly-Parish.

Years

Christned

Buried

Weddings
M.
F.
Both
M.
F.
Both

1649

50

51

52

53

54

55

56

57

58

9

9

7

14

9

15

38

28

37

16

22

55

25

34

47

34

35

40

23

39

37

31

27

28

24

37

34

30

43

29

59

86

52

62

71

71

76

90

66

68

46

25

11

20

21

14

28

18

22

13

34

27

21

25

14

25

19

15

25

15

80

52

32

45

35

39

47

33

47

28

182
354
320
674
218
220
438 ‖

The number of the Weddings, Christnhtgs and Burials that were in the Town and Parish of Tiverton, from March 1560 to January 1664; as appeareth by the Registers.

Years

Christned

Buried

Weddings
M.
F.
Both
M.
F.
Both

1560

61

62

63

64

65

66

67

68

69

37

51

16

19

19

14

19

23

15

19

23

35

59

39

47

51

67

52

50

40

29

31

50

50

50

27

44

42

34

37

52

66

109

89

97

78

111

94

84

77

43

36

32

27

21

26

23

28

25

23

28

34

15

15

28

12

16

25

38

71

70

66

42

36

54

35

44

50

61

232
463
394
857
284
245
529 ‖

1570

71

72

73

74

75

76

77

78

79

17

21

35

38

37

32

27

27

38

45

51

46

52

55

42

51

62

79

59

56

45

26

44

39

50

71

65

46

57

59

96

72

96

94

92

122

127

125

116

115

45

70

30

22

25

33

43

54

42

35

58

68

23

19

28

21

93

76

54

63

103

138

53

41

53

54

136

130

96

98

317
553
502
1055
399
503
902

1580

81

82

83

84

85

86

87

88

89

35

34

34

33

28

1l

27

17

36

33

61

62

68

54

77

69

42

57

67

83

63

64

67

44

59

64

40

63

65

70

124

126

135

98

136

133

82

120

132

153

36

37

45

31

39

32

49

76

57

47

43

39

38

47

43

52

40

94

48

55

79

76

83

78

82

84

89

170

100

102

298
640
599
1239
449
494
943 ‖

The Table of the Parish of Tiverton.

Christned

Buried

Years
Weddings
M.
F.
Both
M.
F.
Both

1590

91

92

93

94

95

96

97

98

99

39

48

43

43

37

38

22

18

23

42

60

56

75

63

66

54

60

37

44

50

64

44

77

48

98

52

58

29

38

73

124

100

152

111

164

106

118

66

82

123

62

37

37

31

37

51

124

45

27

87

282

48

65

47

60

77

153

103

27

149

550¹

85

102

78

97

128

277¹

148

54

353
565
521
1146
719
949
1668

1600

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

38

33

37

52

28

49

37

47

37

34

64

52

65

60

75

62

79

89

60

70

54

82

62

83

63

68

77

77

86

69

118

134

127

143

138

130

156

166

146

139

28

28

41

50

27

33

45

34

51

27

38

36

42

36

63

48

42

52

64

49

66

64

83

86

90

8t

87

86

115

76

392
676
721
1379
364
470
834 ‖

1610

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

31

51

47

38

46

55

24

41

46

30

83

83

79

74

90

88

111

99

102

104

88

96

70

77

88

84

100

79

79

102

171

179

149

151

178

172

21l

178

181

206

62

39

58

39

42

39

53

57

32

65

50

41

45

40

41

44

59

57

44

72

112

80

103

79

83

83

112

114

76

137

409
913
863
1776
486
493
979 ‖

1620

21

22

23

24

25

26

27

28

29

42

74

40

52

52

57

66

67

66

77

105

111

89

108

95

131

97

143

103

124

72

111

104

88

95

117

101

110

114

108

177

222

193

196

190

248

198

253

217

232

53

61

60

80

60

86

73

98

87

62

53

51

86

101

68

61

95

45

98

68

106

112

146

181

128

147

168

143

185

130

593
1106
1020
2126
720
726
1446 ‖

The Table of the Parish of Tiverton

Christned

Buried

Years
Weddings
M.
F.
Both
M.
F.
Both

1630

31

32

33

34

35

36

37

38

39

73

40

63

63

54

82

43

42

62

62

117

118

106

114

114

124

135

110

112

119

123

100

104

121

95

111

112

98

112

106

240

218

210

235

209

235

248

208

224

225

104

85

84

75

73

84

85

106

194

115

74

92

83

71

91

92

87

142

70

137

178

177

167

146

164

176

172

248

364

252

584
1169
1083
2252
1005
1039
2044

1640

41

42

43

44

45

46

47

48

49

66

52

59

54

22

47

41

23

22

16

124

122

102

115

76

95

61

116

85

96

114

114

136

117

78

175

50

106

67

92

238

236

238

232

154

270

111

222

152

188

82

83

110

102

232

99

3

7

24

21

104

88

128

88

213

92

3

3

17

30

186

171

238

190

445¹

191

6 Pl.

10

41

51

402
991
1049
2041
763
766
1529 ‖

1650

51

52

53

54

55

56

57

58

59

9

9

9

21

108

140

109

102

60

37

66

50

80

89

105

87

107

94

70

77

79

63

73

219

104

104

90

101

83

78

145

113

153

208

206

191

197

195

153

155

7

5

48

47

72

87

56

67

77

72

9

10

51

78

68

114

86

59

85

80

16

15

99

125

140

20l

142

126

162

152

604
825
891
1716
538
640
1178

1660

1

2

3

4

27

38

36

35

41

61

83

73

68

68

68

93

56

64

72

129

176

129

132

140

70

73

91

72

98

69

85

95

74

114

139

158

186

146

212

177
353
353
706
404
437
841 ‖

The number of the Weddings, Christnings and Burials that were in the Parish of Cranbrooke, from March 26. 1560 to March 24. 1649; (as appeareth by the Register) only in the years 1574 and 1575 the Christnings are wholly omitted, because the Register is very imperfect for the greater part of those years.

Christned

Buried

Years
Weddings
M.
F.
Both
M.
F.
Both

1560

61

62

63

64

65

66

67

68

69

20

24

23

15

23

29

25

28

22

22

36

46

32

28

29

44

39

42

38

36

33

33

26

21

29

29

26

4t

44

35

69

79

58

49

58

73

65

83

82

71

29

23

40

19

10

37

69

36

3t

25

21

22

31

24

8

34

35

21

31

19

50

45

73

43

18

71

104

56

62

44

231
370
317
687
319
246
565 ‖

1570

71

72

73

74

75

76

77

78

79

18

21

25

29

23

25

29

16

24

21

30

31

35

28

49

36

42

47

44

27

34

25

42

48

39

44

74

58

69

53

91

84

81

91

26

31

24

29

28

18

17

23

19

26

36

16

39

21

28

14

16

21

16

18

62

47

63

50

56

32

33

44

35

44

235
298
303
601
241
225
466

1580

81

82

83

84

85

86

87

88

89

30

28

26

24

25

22

17

20

24

19

47

61

58

59

53

60

53

45

57

59

42

46

49

44

55

52

50

53

59

44

89

107

117

103

108

112

103

98

116

103

26

32

52

24

24

16

28

28

24

17

23

30

37

20

29

14

22

24

21

28

49 Pl.

62 18

89 41

44 22

53

50

50

52

45

45

235
552
504
1051
271
248
519 ‖

The Table of the Parish of Cranbrook.

Christned

Buried

Years
Weddings
M.
F.
Both
M.
F.
Both

1590

91

92

93

94

95

96

97

98

99

25

26

20

23

22

14

17

22

22

30

64

41

59

54

48

55

36

37

47

56

58

52

46

47

37

53

42

19

41

40

116

93

105

101

85

108

78

56

88

96

21

34

39

22

24

35

42

112

27

19

17

43

31

17

23

36

25

110

34

20

38

77

70

39

47

71

67 pl.

222 181

59 pl. 8

39

221
497
429
926
373
356
729

1600

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

16

19

26

22

36

23

23

29

31

16

48

44

50

68

47

56

42

51

56

40

44

41

43

51

61

39

44

65

35

37

92

85

93

119

108

95

86

116

91

77

16

19

28

36

20

38

30

48

33

43

18

29

26

28

24

30

31

30

31

46

34

48

54

64 pl. 9

44

68

61 pl. 1

78

64

89 pl.1

223
502
460
962
311
292
603 ‖

1610

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

26

27

16

22

22

35

29

20

32

32

45

39

44

43

50

56

35

49

38

47

42

44

39

41

44

44

54

52

51

40

87

83

83

84

94

100

89

10l

89

87

32

44

50

46

55

64

40

50

37

50

42

53

43

50

35

61

47

48

58

44

74

97

93

96

90

125

87

98

95

94

261
446
451
897
468
481
949

1620

21

22

23

24

25

26

27

28

29

27

26

14

18

45

22

26

25

38

48

59

54

61

37

59

44

36

45

57

60

61

50

65

37

60

59

45

50

60

58

120

104

126

74

119

103

81

95

117

118

45

40

27

33

44

54

48

36

56

51

52

46

28

34

31

56

49

38

70

44

97

86

55

67

75

110

97

74

126

95

289
512
545
1057
434
448
882 ‖

The Table of the Parish of Cranbrook.

Christned

Buried

Years
Weddings
M.
F.
Both
M.
F.
Both

1630

31

32

33

34

35

36

37

38

39

25

15

20

19

30

18

15

31

22

28

58

51

57

73

63

54

52

61

49

31

64

46

56

55

52

57

55

85

56

36

122

97

113

128

115

111

107

126

105

67

41

46

56

44

46

56

39

47

73

63

52

42

52

44

51

50

60

49

80

51

93

88

108

88

97

106

99

96

153

114

223
549
542
1019
511
531
1042

1640

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

30

20

27

20

23

31

14

18

6

7

65

51

47

68

51

55

63

44

35

37

50

62

40

63

60

46

51

36

23

26

115

113

187

131

111

101

114

83

58

63

70

51

39

68

37

30

69

72

55

58

54

36

53

59

49

46

65

47

60

48

124

87

92

117

86

76

134

119

115

106

196
516
460
976
549
517
1066 ‖

Dublin, A Bill of Mortality from the 26 of july to the 2d of August 1662.

Jacob Thring, Reg. ‖

Some further
OBSERVATIONS
OF Major John Graunt.

WHereas in the Month of December, in the Year 1672, there were Christen'd in the several Parishes of the City and Suburbs of Paris 1366, and Weddings 68, and Buried 1153. yet of the Reformed Religion, in the same space of Time and Place, there were Christen'd but 27, and Buried but 14. At a medium being compared to the gross sum, the Protestants in Paris are but as one to 65.

A further Observation may be made; That whereas in the whole Year of 1672, there were Buried 17584, and the Christenings then were 18427, which difference ‖ between Christening and Burials was very agreeable with the difference formerly in the City of London, before Phanaticism and the Anabaptists were known in those Parts: But in the same Year of 1672 in the City of London and Places adjacent, the Burials were 18230, and the Christenings but 12563, By which it plainly appears that ⅓ of the Inhabitants of the Places aforesaid, are such as do not conform to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England.

As concerning the common Question , Whether Paris or London hath most Inhabitants, my Answer must be fram'd after this manner, upon some Observations made upon the numbers of Burials of each City.

I find that in the City and Suburbs of Paris in the Years 1670, 1671, and 1672, the total number of the Burials was 56443, and in the Years aforesaid in the City of London, Suburbs, and Places adjacent (as appears by the Annual Bills of Mortality) was Buried 54157.

But since that Hackney, Lambeth, Newington, Islington, Rotherhith, Stepney and Westminster, although put into the Bills of Mortality, they cannot properly be reckon'd as parts of the City of London (Westminster being a distinct City of it self, and the others ‖ above-named Country Villages) and there having been Buried in the Places last named in the three Years aforesaid (as appears by the said Annual Bills) 10000, which being deducted out of the number aforesaid, the remaining number is 44157, upon which I think the Comparison must be made.

By which it appears that Paris hath exceeded the City of London in the number of Burials 12286, which number is between a fourth and a fifth of the said number of 56443, which is the Proportion of the difference in the number of Inhabitants; the City of Paris having more than a fourth, and yet not a fifth more than the City of London. ‖

Christenings, Marriages, and Burials in the City of Paris, 1670.

Christenings.
Marriages.
Burials.

January.

February.

March.

April.

May.

June.

July.

August.

september.

October.

November.

December.

1596

1712

1661

1351

1342

1222

1348

1420

1408

131z

1324

1120

353

589

048

267

374

354

420

314

343

313

479

076

2350

2159

2033

1882

1714

1644

1540

2162

1845

1502

1290

1340

Total
16810²
3930
21461 ‖

Christenings, Marriages, and Burials in the City of Paris, 1671.

Christenings.
Marriages.
Burials.

January.

February.

March.

April.

May.

June.

July.

August.

september.

October.

November.

December.

1675

1656

1860

1595

1478

1331

1424

1606

1507

1587

1560

1253

548

489

56

447

324

334

334

337

324

327

321

437

42

1150

1068

1218

1350

1431

1219

1358

1502

1897

1753

2709

1743

Total
18532
3986
17398 ‖

Christenings, Marriages, and Burials in the City of Paris, 1672.

Christenings.
Marriages.
Burials.

January.

February.

March.

April.

May.

June.

July.

August.

september.

October.

November.

December.

1837

1920

1636

1572

1528

1359

1414

1498

1379

1481

1437

1366

325

625

108

130

332

349

334

271

278

309

433

068

1930

1554

2008

1664

1551

1602

1323

1407

1216

1119

1057

1153

Total
18427
3562
17584 ‖

Notes to the Table shewing how many died weekly.

Advertisements for the better understanding of the several Tables: videlicet,

Concerning the Table of Casualties consisting of thirty Columns.

THE first Column contains all the Casualties hapning within the 22 single years mentioned in this Bill.

The 14 next Columns contain two of the last Septenaries of years, which being the latest are first set down.

The 8 next Columns represent the 8 first years, wherein the Casualties were taken notice of.

Memorandum, That the 10 years between 1636 and 1647 are omitted as containing nothing Extraordinary, and as not consistent with the Incapacity of a Sheet . ‖

The 5 next Columns are the 8 years from 1629 to 1636 brought into 2 Quaternions, and the 12 of the 14 last years brought into three more; that Comparison might be made between each 4 years taken together, as well as each single year apart.

The next Column contains three years together, taken at 10 years distance from each other; that the distant years, as well as consequent, might be compared with the whole 20, each of the 5 Quaternions, and each of the 22 single years.

The last Column contains the total of all the 15 Quaternions, or 25 years .

The Number 229250 is the total of all the Burials in the said 20 years, as 34190 is of the Burials in the said three distant years. Where note, that the ⅓ of the latter total is 11396, and the of the former is 11462; differing but 66 from each other in so great a sum, videlicet scarce part. ‖

The Table of Burials and Christnings, consisting of 7 Columns.

IT is to be noted, that in all the several Columns of the Burials those dying of the Plague are left out, being reckoned all together in the sixth Column: whereas in the original Bills, the Plague and all other diseases are reckoned together, with mention how many of the respective totals are of the Plague.

Secondly, From the year 1642 forwards, the accompt of the Christnings is not to be trusted, the neglects of the same beginning about that year: for in 1642 there are set down 10370, and about the same number several years before, after which time the said Christnings decreased to between 5000 and 6000, by omission of the greater part.

Thirdly, The several Numbers are cast up into Octonaries, that Comparison may be made of them as well as of single years. ‖

The Table of Males and Females, containing 5 Columns.

First, The Numbers are cast up for 12 years; videlicet from 1629, when the distinction between Males and Females first began, until 1640 inclusive, when the exactness in that Accompt ceased.

Secondly, From 1640 to 1660 the Numbers are cast up into another total, which seems as good for comparing the Number of Males with Females, the neglect being in both Sexes alike, and proportionable.

The Tables concerning the Country-Parish, the former of Decads beginning at 1569, and continuing until 1658, and the later being for single years, being for the same time, are so plain, that they require no further Explanation than the bare reading the Chapter relating to them, &c.

FINIS

APPENDICES TO GRAUNT's OBSERVATIONS.

APPENDIX I.

Though Graunt appears to have written, in addition to the “Observations,” something on the advance of excise and something on religion, it is probable that nothing else from his pen has been preserved save the following brief note in Birch's History of the Royal Society, vol. 1. p. 294:—

19 Aug. 1663. “Mr Graunt brought in his account of the multiplication and growth of carps and salmons; which was ordered to be registered, as follows:

A pond new digged in Deptford for horses and other cattle to water in the year 1658, two male and two female carp being then put in with intention to breed; in the year 1662 the pond being tainted with fish, so that the cattle refused to drink, there were then taken out of this pond eight hundred, seventy and odd carps, of about nine inches in length, some more, some less; a great number of smaller fish being left for breeders.

And in the Severne and elsewhere it hath been experimented, by fastening of small pieces of tape or silk through the gills of young salmon, that in two years they have advanced to near three foot in length.”

APPENDIX II.

The following abstract of the weekly bills of mortality of London for the years 1597–1600, hitherto unprinted, are among the Ashmole MSS. (824, f. 196–199) in the Bodleian Library. They fill a portion of the gap between the series of bills for 1578–1583 printed by Dr Creighton and Graunt's tables. They indicate the growth of population in the urban district and establish affirmatively the comparative freedom of the city from the plague during four years of peculiar interest in the history of the English drama.

1597

Week ending | Buried | Whereof of the Plague | Christened
Jan. 6 | 83 | 0 | 105
13 | 84 | 0 | 101
20 | 82 | 0 | 103
27 | 91 | 0 | 114
Feb. 3 | 97 | 0 | 98
10 | 102 | 0 | 100
17 | 109 | 1 | 77
24 | 99 | 1 | 84
Mar. 3 | 134 | 1 | 100
10 | 119 | 0 | 109
17 | 126 | 4 | 113
24 | 142 | 1 | 88
31 | 108 | 0 | 103
Apr. 7 | 115 | 3 | 92
14 | 116 | 2 | 90
21 | 117 | 1 | 98
28 | 127 | 2 | 76
May. 5 | 122 | 4 | 80
12 | 137 | 3 | 76
19 | 115 | 2 | 77
26 | 120 | 1 | 76
June. 2 | 125 | 1 | 73
9 | 109 | 0 | 66
16 | 132 | 0 | 87
23 | 112 | 1 | 69
30 | 115 | 1 | 84
July. 7 | 123 | 1 | 81
14 | 129 | 3 | 81
21 | 131 | 1 | 84
28 | 129 | 1 | 63
Aug. 4 | 87 | 0 | 81
11 | 104 | 2 | 71
18 | 130 | 0 | 60
25 | 109 | 1 | 75
Sept. 1 | 121 | 0 | 76
8 | 124 | 3 | 78
15 | 87 | 2 | 66
22 | 119 | 0 | 92
29 | 98 | 0 | 74
Oct. 6 | 89 | 1 | 70
13 | 86 | 0 | 82
20 | 83 | 2 | 73
27 | 95 | 0 | 68
Nov. 3 | 82 | 0 | 81
10 | 91 | 0 | 56
17 | 85 | 0 | 84
24 | 89 | 0 | 89
Dec. 1 | 80 | 1 | 59
8 | 88 | 0 | 73
15 | 110 | 1 | 61
22 | 105 | 0 | 73
29 | 72 | 0 | 66
| 5584 | 48 | 4256

1598

Week ending | Buried | Whereof of the Plague | Christened
Jan. 5 | 89 | 1 | 64
12 | 95 | 0 | 86
19 | 90 | 2 | 78
26 | 72 | 0 | 82
Feb. 2 | 73 | 0 | 86
9 | 82 | 0 | 76
16 | 79 | 0 | 70
23 | 85 | 0 | 82
Mar. 2 | 70 | 0 | 87
9 | 89 | 1 | 89
Mar. 16 | 89 | 1 | 83
23 | 80 | 1 | 67
30 | 86 | 0 | 80
Apr. 6 | 73 | 1 | 92
13 | 90 | 1 | 85
20 | 91 | 1 | 72
27 | 94 | 1 | 73
May 4 | 82 | 0 | 75
11 | 74 | 0 | 60
18 | 76 | 1 | 67
May. 25 | 59 | 0 | 64
June 1 | 82 | 0 | 70
    8 | 65 | 1 | 74
   15 | 71 | 1 | 66
   22 | 69 | 2 | 72
   29 | 51 | 1 | 72
July 6 | 79 | 0 | 85
   13 | 68 | 0 | 74
   20 | 65 | 1 | 71
   27 | 75 | 0 | 89
Aug. 3 | 64 | 0 | 88
   10 | 72 | 1 | 78
   17 | 80 | 0 | 74
   24 | 54 | 1 | 67
   31 | 74 | 0 | 89
Sept. 7 | 71 | 0 | 84
Sept. 14 | 61 | 1 | 86
   21 | 55 | 0 | 93
   28 | 70 | 0 | 72
Oct. 5 | 41 | 0 | 83
   12 | 62 | 0 | 101
   19 | 57 | 0 | 104
   26 | 63 | 0 | 100
Nov. 2 | 73 | 0 | 91
    9 | 65 | 0 | 81
   16 | 72 | 0 | 95
   23 | 58 | 0 | 106
   30 | 58 | 0 | 102
Dec. 7 | 73 | 0 | 92
   14 | 70 | 0 | 96
   21 | 80 | 0 | 80
   28 | 76 | 0 | 83
| 3798 | 18 | 4236

1599

Week ending | Buried | Whereof of the Plague | Christened
Jan. 4 | 57 | 0 | 86
71 | 91 | 0 | 86
18 | 74 | 0 | 92
25 | 69 | 0 | 90
Feb. 1 | 92 | 0 | 93
8 | 82 | 0 | 103
15 | 90 | 1 | 83
22 | 117 | 0 | 92
Mar. 1 | 86 | 1 | 95
8 | 74 | 0 | 107
15 | 97 | 1 | 106
22 | 80 | 1 | 89
29 | 79 | 1 | 80
Apr. 5 | 90 | 0 | 90
12 | 89 | 7 | 90
19 | 84 | 2 | 86
26 | 91 | 0 | 96
May 3 | 81 | 0 | 85
10 | 88 | 0 | 74
17 | 53 | 0 | 68
24 | 79 | 0 | 111
31 | 81 | 1 | 93
June 7 | 76 | 0 | 73
14 | 75 | 0 | 81
21 | 76 | 0 | 92
28 | 64 | 0 | 64
July 5 | 89 | 1 | 85
12 | 70 | 0 | 77
19 | 99 | 2 | 86
26 | 82 | 0 | 95
Aug. 2 | 708 | 1 | 92
9 | 76 | 0 | 75
16 | 88 | 0 | 98
23 | 92 | 0 | 87
30 | 107 | 0 | 98
Sept. 6 | 82 | 0 | 89
13 | 702 | 2 | 95
20 | 104 | 0 | 89
27 | 103 | 0 | 706
Oct. 4 | 93 | 1 | 97
11 | 87 | 0 | 102
78 | 72 | 0 | 95
25 | 84 | 1 | 98
Nov. 7 | 84 | 0 | 79
Nov. 8 | 81 | 0 | 103
15 | 57 | 0 | 87
22 | 73 | 0 | 100
29 | 72 | 0 | 90
Dec. 6 | 77 | 0 | 98
13 | 59 | 0 | 76
20 | 61 | 0 | 111
27 | 72 | 0 | 61
| 4277 | 16 | 4674

1600

Week ending | Buried | Whereof of the Plague | Christened
Jan. 3 | 48 | 0 | 101
10 | 60 | 0 | 85
17 | 58 | 0 | 85
24 | 66 | 0 | 103
31 | 79 | 0 | 96
Feb. 7 | 76 | 0 | 94
14 | 70 | 0 | 87
21 | 68 | 0 | 100
28 | 65 | 0 | 90
Mar. 6 | 59 | 0 | 85
13 | 69 | 0 | 92
20 | 60 | 0 | 92
27 | 63 | 0 | 100
Apr. 3 | 72 | 0 | 128
10 | 70 | 0 | 103
17 | 59 | 0 | 71
24 | 62 | 0 | 74
May 1 | 66 | 0 | 56
8 | 67 | 0 | 70
15 | 64 | 0 | 87
22 | 73 | 0 | 74
29 | 69 | 0 | 82
June 5 | 57 | 0 | 78
12 | 65 | 0 | 71
19 | 58 | 0 | 86
26 | 64 | 0 | 83
July 3 | 70 | 0 | 62
10 | 59 | 1 | 95
17 | 58 | 0 | 81
24 | 80 | 0 | 101
31 | 57 | 1 | 83
Aug. 7 | 58 | 0 | 93
14 | 62 | 0 | 113
21 | 59 | 0 | 104
28 | 93 | 0 | 80
Sept. 4 | 66 | 0 | 106
11 | 45 | 0 | 90
18 | 63 | 0 | 88
25 | 55 | 0 | 93
Oct. 2 | 67 | 0 | 113
9 | 55 | 0 | 95
16 | 48 | 0 | 94
23 | 6I | 0 | 104
30 | 68 | 2 | 94
Nov. 6 | 41 | 1 | 101
13 | 52 | 0 | 111
20 | 61 | 1 | 101
27 | 61 | 0 | 90
Dec. 4 | 69 | 0 | 111
11 | 64 | 0 | 88
18 | 56 | 0 | 110
25 | 61 | 0 | 86
| 3276 | 4 | 4760

QUANTULUMCUNQUE
CONCERNING MONEY.
1682

NOTE ON THE “QUANTULUMCUNQUE.”

Sir William Petty's
Quantulumcunque concerning Money, 1682.

To the Lord Marquess of Halyfax.

SUppose that 20s. of new mill'd Money doth weigh 4 Ounces Troy, according to Custom or Statute. Suppose that 20s. of old Eliz. and James's Money, which ought also to weigh four Ounces Troy , doth weigh three Ounces Troy; and vary variously between 3 and 4 Ounces, viz. none under 3, and none full 4.

Suppose that much of the new mill'd regular Money is carried into the East-Indies, but none of the old light and unequal Money.

QUESTIONS.

Qu. 1. Whether the old unequal Money ought to be new Coined, and brought to an equality?

Answ. It ought: Because Money made of Gold and Silver is the best Rule of Commerce and must therefore be equal, or else it is no Rule; and consequently no Money, and but bare Metal which was Money before it was worn and abused into Inequality.

Qu. 2. At whose Charge?

Answ. At the States Charge, as it now is: Because the Owner was no cause of its Inequality, but the States neglect in preventing and punishing such Abuses, which are remedied by new Coinage.

Qu. 3. Of what weight and fineness ought the new Shilling to be?

Answ. Of the same with the other present new Money, and which the old was of, when it was new: Because all must be like, all according to the Statute; and all fit to pay ancient Debts, according to what was really lent. ‖

Qu. 4. Suppose 20s. of old Money may make but 18s. of new, who shall bear the loss of the two shillings?

Answ. Not the States: Because men would clip their own Money: But the Owner himself must bear the loss, because he might have refused light and defective Money, or put it away in time; it being sufficient that he shall have new regular beautiful Money for his old unequal Money, at the States Charge, Ounce for Ounce weight.

Qu. 5. After this Reformation of Coin, Will more Silver be carried out of England, suppose into the East Indies, then before; and to the Damage of England?

Answ. Somewhat more: But none to the Damage of England, Eo Nomine; but rather to its Profit: Because the Merchant will be considered for the Manufacture of the new Money; besides the Metal of it, as he only was when he carried out Spanish Reals.

Qu. 6. Whereas the Merchant carries Scarlet and Silver to the Indies, will he not now carry only the new coined Silver?

Answ. The Merchant will buy as much Scarlet as he can for 100 new Shillings, and then consider whether he shall get more Silk in the Indies for that Scarlet than for another 100 of the like Shillings: And, according to this Conjecture, he will carry Scarlet or Shillings in specie, or part one, part the other, if he be in doubt.

Qu. 7. But will not England be impoverished by Merchants carrying out the said 100 Shillings?

Answ. No, if he bring home for them as much Silk as will yield above 100 Shillings, (perhaps 200 Shillings) in Spain, and then bring the same 200 into England: Or, if he bring home as much Pepper as an English man will give him 200 of the like Shillings for. So the Merchant and England shall both Gain by Exporting the 100 Shillings .

Qu. 8. But if the new Shilling were but ¾ths of the weight as formerly, then the Merchant would not meddle with them at all, and so secure this fear of Impoverishment?

Answ. The Merchant would Export then, just as before; Only he will give but ¾ so much Pepper, or other Indian Goods, for the new retrenched Shilling as he did for the old: And would accept in India ¾ as much Pepper as he formerly had for the old: And consequently there would be no difference, but among a few such Fools as take Money by its name, and not by its weight and fineness.

Qu. 9. If a Shilling was by new Coinage reduced to ¾ of its present weight, should we not thereby have ⅓ more of Money then now we have, and consequently be so much the richer? ‖

Answ. You would indeed have ⅓ part more of the new christned Shillings; but not an Ounce more of Silver, nor Money; nor could you get an Ounce more of Forreign Commodities for all your new multiplied Money than before; Nor even for any Domestick Commodities; but perhaps a little at first from the few Fools above mentioned. As for Instance; Suppose you buy a Silver Vessel from a Goldsmith weighing 20 Ounces, at 6s. per Ounce, making 6 Pounds or 24 Ounces of Coined Silver; now suppose that the said 6 Pounds were reduced from weighing 24 Ounces to weigh but 18 Ounces upon the new Coinage; but be still called 6 Pound even by the King's Proclamation; Can it be imagined that the Goldsmith will give his Vessel weighing 20 Ounces of wrought, for 18 Ounces of unwrought Silver? For the Workmanship of Money is of little value. Now the Absurdity is the same in all other Commodities, though not so demonstrable as in a Commodity whose Materials is the same with Money.

Qu. 10. Cannot Authority Command that men should give as much Commodity for the new retrencht Money, as for the old which weighed ⅓ part more?

Answ. Then the effect of such Authority would also be to take away ⅓ of all mens Goods, which are Commodities beyond Seas; and give the same to Forreigners, who would have them for ¾ of the usual quantity of Silver: And the same Authority would take away from the Creditor ⅓ of the Money which was due before the Proclamation.

Qu. 11. Whereas you suppose retrenching ¼ in the new Coinage; Suppose it was but , how would the matter be then?

Answ. Just the same: for Magis & minus non mutant speciem: But it were better you supposed that one Shilling were to be taken for 10 or 20, then the Absurdity would be it self so visible, as to need no such Demonstration, as is needful in such small matters as Common Sence cannot discern: For if the wealth of the Nation could be decupled by a Proclamation, it were strange that such Proclamations have not long since been made by our Governours.

Qu. 12. Will not some men, having occasions to buy Commodities in Forreign Parts, carry out all Money, and so not Vend or Export our own Commodities at all?

Answ. If some English Merchants should be so improvident, yet the Forreign Merchants would buy up such English Commodities as they wanted, with Money brought into England from their respective ‖ Countries, or with such Commodities as England likes better than Money. For the vending of English Commodities doth not depend upon any other thing, but the use and need which Forreigners have of them. But were it not a folly for an English man not to carry Lead into Turkey; but go thither with Money, in his Ballast, and so loose the Freight of the Lead, which he might sell there; And that a Ship should come from Turkey with Money, in her Ballast also, to fetch Lead from England, which might have been carried at first by the English Ship? No: The Art of a Merchant is to consider all those Matters, so as no Prince's Proclamation concerning the Weight and Denominations of Coins, signifies anything to Forreigners when they know it, nor to his own Subjects pro futuro, what e're Disturbances it may make amongst them pro prœterito. We say again; it were better for a Prince owing 20s. to say he will pay but 15s. than disguising his own particular purpose, to say that all Landlords shall henceforth take 15s. Rent for 20s. due to them by their Tenants Leases; and that he who hath lent 100l. on the Monday, (the Proclamation of Retrenchment coming out on Tuesday,) may be repaid on Wednesday with ¾ or 75l. of the very Money he lent two days before.

Qu. 13. Why is not our old worn unequal Money new Coined and equallized?

Answ. There may be many weak Reasons for it; But the only good one which I know, is, that bad and unequal Money may prevent hoarding, whereas weighty, fine, and beautiful Money doth encourage it in some few timorous Persons, but not in the Body of Trading men. Upon the account of Beauty our Britannia Half pence were almost all horded as Medals till they grew common; For if but 100 of those piece had been Coined, they would, for their Work and Rarity, have been worth above 5s. each, which for their Matter are not worth that Half penny they pass for: For in them, Materiam superabat Opus.

Qu. 14. Why hath Money been raised, or retrencht, or imbased by many wise States, and so often?

Answ. When any State doth these things, they are like Bankrupt Merchants, who Compound for their Debts by paying 16s. 12s. or 10s. in the pound; Or forcing their Creditors to take off their Goods at much above the Market rates. And the same State might as well have paid but ¾ of what they ow'd, as to retrench their Money in General to ¾ of the known weight and fineness. And these practices have been compassed by Bankers and Cashiers, for oblique Considerations, from the Favourites of such Princes and States. ‖

Qu. 15. It is then the Honour of England that no such Tricks have been practiced, though in the greatest Streights that ever that State hath been in?

Answ. It hath been their Wisdom, and consequently their Honour to keep up a Rule and Measure of trade amongst themselves, and with all Nations.

Qu. 16. But is there no Case wherein Money may be justly and honourably raised?

Answ. Yes, in order to Regulation and Equalizing of Species of Coines; As when two Species of one Weight and Fineness are taken at different Rates, then the one may be raised or the other depressed: But this must be rated by the estimation of the whole World as near as it can be known, and not by any private Notion; and the like may be done between Gold and Silver .

Qu. 17. What do you think of the rising or falling of the Price of Lands, from this following Instance, viz. A piece of Land was sold 60 Years ago for 1000l. that is, for a 1000 Jacobusses; and the same Land is now sold for 1000l. or 1000 Guineas, and the Guinea is but ⅚ the weight of the Jacobus. Is the Land cheaper now than 60 Years ago?

Answ. It looks like a Demonstration that it is: Yet if Gold be not Money, but a Commodity next like to Money, and that Silver be only Money; then we must see whether 1000 jacobusses would then purchase no more Silver than 1000 Guineas will do now: For if so, the Land was heretofore and now sold for the same Quantity of Money, though not of Gold; and is neither risen nor fallen by what hath been instanced.

Qu. 18. What is the difference between retrenching or raising of Money, and imbasing the Mettle of the same, as by mixing Copper with Silver?

Answ. The first is the better of the two, if such Mixture be of no use in other things: For if 20s. which contains 4 Ounces of Silver, should be reduced to 3 Ounces of Silver, it is better than to add one Ounce of Copper to the same, in order to make 4 seeming Ounces as before: For if you come to want the said 3 Ounces of Silver mixt with Copper, you must lose the Copper, upon the Test, and the Charge of Refining also, which will amount to above 4 per cent.

Qu. 19. What do you object against small silver Money; as against Single Pence, Two Pences, &c.?

Answ. That the Coinage of small Pieces would be very chargeable, and the Pieces themselves apt to be lost, and more liable to wearing; for little of our old small Money is now to be seen, and our Groats are worn away to Three half Pence in Metal. ‖

Qu. 20. What do you say of Money made wholly of baseMetal such as Farthings, &c.?

Answ. That the want of Materials ought to be made up by the fineness of Coinage, to very near the intrinsick Value; or what is gained by the Want of either, to be part of the King's Revenue.

Qu. 21. Which is best, Copper or Tin, for this purpose?

Answ. Copper: Because it is capable of the most imitable and durable Coinage: though the Copper be Foraign, and Tin a Native Commodity. For suppose Copper and Tin of the same Value in England; yet if 100 Weight of Tin sent to Turky will fetch home as much Silk as will fetch above 100 of Copper from Sweden, in such Case the Difference between Native and Foreign is nothing.

Qu. 22. This Doctrine may extend to a free exportation of Money and Bullion, which is against our Laws: Are our Laws not good?

Answ. Perhaps they are against the Laws of Nature, and also impracticable: For we see that the Countries which abound with Money and all other Commodities, have followed no such Laws: And contrarywise, that the Countries which have forbid these Exportations under the highest Penalties, are very destitute both of Money and Merchandize.

Qu. 23. Is not a Country the Poorer for having less Money?

Answ. Not always: For as the most thriving Men keep little or no Money by them, but turn and wind it into various Commodities to their great Profit, so may the whole Nation also; which is but many particular Men united.

Qu. 24. May a Nation, suppose England, have too much Money?

Answ. Yes: As a particular Merchant may have too much Money, I mean coined Money, by him.

Qu. 25. Is there any way to know how much Money is sufficient for any Nation?

Answ. I think it may pretty well be guessed at; viz. I think that so much Money as will pay half a Years Rent for all the Lands of England, and a Quarters Rent of the Houseing, and a Weeks Expence of all the People, and about a Quarter of the Value of all the exported Commodities, is sufficient for that purpose. Now when the States will cause these things to be computed, and the Quantity of their Coins to be known, which the new Coining of their old Money will best do, then it may also be known whether we have too much or too little Money.

Qu. 26. What remedy is there if we have too little Money? ‖

Answ. We must erect a Bank, which well computed, doth almost double the Effect of our coined Money: And we have in England Materials for a Bank which shall furnish Stock enough to drive the Trade of the whole Commercial World.

Quest. 27. What if we have too much Coine?

Answ. We may melt down the heaviest, and turn it into the Splendor of Plate, in Vessels or Utensils of Gold and Silver; or send it out, as a Commodity, where the same is wanting or desired; or let it out at Intrest, where Intrest is high.

Qu. 28. What is Interest or Use-Money?

Answ. A Reward for forbearing the use of your own Money for a Term of Time agreed upon, whatsoever need your self may have of it in the mean while.

Qu. 29. What is Exchange?

Answ. Local Interest, or a Reward given for having your Money at such a Place where you most need the use of it.

Qu. 30. What is the Trade of a Banker?

Answ. Buying and selling of Interest and Exchange: Who is honest only upon the Penalty of losing a beneficial Trade, founded upon a good Opinion of the World, which is called Credit.

Qu. 31. You were speaking of base Money and Farthings, which are generally below the intrinsick Value, and therefore ought not to be permitted to increase ad infinitum. Is there any way to know how many were enough?

Answ. I think there is: viz. Allowing about 12d. in Farthings, to every Family; So as if there be a Million of Families in England (as I think there be) then about 50000l. in Farthings would suffice for Change; and if such Farthings were but ⅕ below the intrinsick Value, a Nation would pay but 10000l. for this Convenience: But if this way of Families be not Limitation enough, you may help it by considering the smallest Piece of Silver Money current in the Nation; which how much lesser it is, by so much lesser may the Number of Farthings be: The use of Farthings being but to make up Payments in Silver, and to adjust Accompts: To whihc end of adjusting Accompts let me add, that if your old defective Farthings were cryed down to five a penny, you may keep all Accompts in a way of Decimal Arithmetick, which hath been long desired for the ease and certainty of Accompts.

Qu. 32. What do you think of our Laws for limiting Interest? ‖

Answ. The same as limiting the Exportation of Money; and there may be as well Laws for limiting Exchange also: For Interest always carrieth with it an Ensurance praemium, which is very casual, in Ireland there was a time when Land (the highest Security) was sold for 2 Years Purchase: It was then naturally just to take 20, 30, or 40 per cent. Interest; whereas there the Law allows but 10. And since that time, Land being risen to 12 Years purchase, responsible Men will not give above. 8. And insolent . Men will offer Cent. per Cent. notwithstanding the Law. Again, suppose a Man hath 100l. of Land, worth 20 Years Purchase, and another 100l. in Houses, worth 12 Years and an other 100l. in Shipping, worth 2 Years Purchase; and another in Horses, worth 6 Months Purchase; Is it not manifest he must have a greater Yearly pramium for lending his House than his Land, his Ship than his House, and his House than his Ship? For if his Horse be worth 100l. he cannot hire him out for less than 10s.per diem, whereas the Land will not yield a Groat for the same time; and these Hires are the same with Interest.

Price 2d.

LONDON Printed in the Year, 1695.

NOTE ON THE ESSAYS IN “POLITICAL ARITHMETICK.”

ANOTHER
ESSAY
IN
Political Arithmetick,
Concerning the Growth of the
CITY
OF
LONDON:
WITH THE
Measures, Periods, Causes, and Consequences thereof.1682.
By Sir William Petty, Fellow of the ROYAL SOCIETY.
LONDON:
Printed by H. H. for Mark Pardoe, at the Black Raven, over against Bedford-House, in the Strand. 1683.

NOTE ON “ANOTHER ESSAY IN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC.”

THE STATIONER

To the Reader.

THe ensuing Essay concerning the Growth of the City of London was entituled [Another Essay]intimating that some other Essay had preceded it, which was not to be found. I having been much importuned for that precedent Essay , have found that the same was about the Growth, Encrease, and Multiplication of Mankind, which Subject should in Order of Nature precede that of the Growth of the City of London, but am not able to procure the Essay itself, onely I have obtained from a Gentleman , who sometimes corresponded with Sir W. Petty, an Extract of a Letter from Sir William to him, which I verily believe containeth the scope thereof; wherefore, I must desire the Reader to be content therewith, till more can be had.had.

The Extract of a Letter concerning the scope of an Essay intended to precede Another Essay concerning the Growth of the City of (London), &c. An Essay in Political Arithmetick, concerning the Value and Encrease of People and Colonies.

THE scope of this Essay, is concerning People and Colonies, and to make way for Another Essay concerning the Growth of the City of London. I desire in this first Essay to give the World some light concerning the Numbers of People in England, with Wales, and in Ireland; as also, of the number of Houses, and Families, wherein they live, and of Acres they occupy.

2. How many live upon their Lands, how many upon their Personal Estates, and Comerce, and how many upon Art, and Labour; how many upon Alms, how many upon Offices and Publick Employments, and how many as Cheats and Thieves; how many are Impotents, Children, and decrepit Old men.

3. How many upon the Poll-Taxes in England, do pay extraordinary Rates, and how many at the Level .

4. How many Men and Women are Prolifick, and how many of each are Married or Unmarried.

5. What the Value of People are in England, and what in Ireland at a Medium, both as Members of the Church or Commonwealth, or as Slaves and Servants to one another; with a ‖ Method how to estimate the same, in any other Country or Colony.

6. How to compute the Value of Land in Colonies, in comparison to England and -Ireland.

7 How 10 thousand People in a Colony may be, and planted to the best advantage.

8. A Conjecture in what number of years England and Ireland may be fully peopled, as also all America, and lastly the whole habitable Earth.

9. What spot of the Earths-Globe were fittest for a general and universal Emporium, whereby all the people thereof may best enjoy one anothers Labours and Commodities.

10. Whether the speedy Peopling of the Earth would make

1. For the good of Mankind.

2. To fulfil the revealed Will of God.

3. To what Prince or State the same would be most advantageous. ‖

11. An exhortation to all thinking Men to salve the Scriptures and other good Histories, concerning the Number of People in all Ages of the World, in the great Cities thereof, and elsewhere.

12. An Appendix concerning the different Number of Sea-fish and Wild-fowl, at the end of every thousand years, since, Noah's Flood.

13. An Hypothesis of the use of those spaces (of about 8,000 miles through) within the Globe of our Earth, supposing a shell of 150 miles thick.

14. What may be the meaning of Glorified Bodies, in case the place of the Blessed shall be without the Convex of the Orb of the fixed Stars, if that the whole System of the World was made for the use of our Earths-men. ‖

The Principal Points of this Discourse.

1. THAT London doubles in Forty Years, and all England in Three hundred and sixty Years.

2. That there be, Anno 1682. about Six hundred and seventy Thousand Souls in London, and about seven Millions four hundred Thousand in all England and Wales, and about twenty-eight Millions of Acres of Land .

3. That the Periods of doubling the People, are found to be in all Degrees, from between Ten, to Twelve hundred Years.

4. That the Growth of London must stop of its self, before the Year 1800.

5. A Table helping to understand the Scriptures, concerning the Number of People mentioned in them. ‖

6. That the World will be fully Peopled within the next Two Thousand Years.

7. Twelve Touch-stones , whereby to Try any Proposal, pretended for the Publick Good.

8. How the City of London may be made (Morally speaking) Invincible.

9. An Help to Uniformity in Religion.

10. That 'tis possible to increase Mankind by Generation four times more than at present.

11. The Plagues of London is the Chief Impediment and Objection against the Growth of the City.

12. That an Exact Account of the People is Necessary in this Matter. ‖

Of the Growth of the CITY of LONDON: And of the Measures, Periods, Causes, and Consequences thereof.

BY the City of London, we mean the Housing within the Walls of the Old City, with the LibertiesWhat is meant by London. thereof, Westminster, the Borrough of Southwark, and so much of the built Ground in Middlesex and Surrey, whose Houses are contiguous unto, or within Call of those afore-mentioned. Or else we mean the Housing which stand upon the Ninety seven Parishes within the Walls of London; upon the Sixteen Parishes next, without them; the Ten Parishes of Westminster, and the Seven Parishes ‖ without them all; all which One hundred and thirty Parishes are comprehended within the Weekly Bills of Mortality .

The Growth of this City is Measured, 1. By the Quantity of Ground, or Number of Acres upon which itWhat is meant by the Growth of London. stands. 2. By the Number of Houses, as the same appears by the Hearth-Books and late Maps. 3. By the Cubical Content of the said Housing.

4. By the Flooring of the same. 5. By the Number of Days-work, or Charge of Building the said Houses. 6. By the Value of the said Houses, according to their Yearly Rent, and Number of Years Purchase. 7. By the Number of Inhabitants; according to which latter sense only, we make our Computations in this Essay.

Till a better Rule can be obtained, we conceive that the Proportion ‖ of the People may be sufficiently Measured by the Proportion of the Burials in such Years as were neither remarkable for extraordinary Healthfulness or Sickliness.

That the City hath Increased in this latter sense, appearsIn what Measures the City hath Increased. from the Bills of Mortality, represented in the two following Tables, viz. One whereof is a continuation for Eighteen years, ending 1682, of that Table which was Published in the 117th. pag. of the Book of the Observations upon the London Bills of Mortality, Printed in the Year 1676. The other sheweth what Number of People dyed at a Medium of two Years, indifferently taken, at about Twenty Years distance from each other. ‖

The first of the said two Tables.

An.Dom.
97
Parishes.
16
Parishes.
Out
Parishes.
Buried
in all.
Besides of
the Plague.
Christened.

1665

1666

1667

1668

1669

1670

1671

1672

1673

1674

1675

1676

1677

1678

1679

1680

1681

1682

5320

1689

7761¹

796

1323

1890

1723

2237

2307

2801

2555

2756

2817

3060

3074

3076

3669

2975

12463

3969

6405

6865

7500

7808

5938

6788

6302

7522

5986

6508

6632

6705

7481

7066

8136

7009

10925

5082

8641

9603

10440

10500

8063

9200

8890

10875

8702

9466

9616

10908

11173

10911

12166

10707

28708

10740

15807

17267

19263

20198

15724

18225

17499

21198

17243

18730

19065

20673

21728

21053

23971

20691

68596

1998

35

14

3

5

5

5

3

1

2

2

5

2

9967

8997

10938

11633

12335

11997

12510

12593

11895

11851

11775

12399

12626

12601

12288

12747

13355

12653

According to which latter Table, there dyed as followeth. ‖

The latter of the said two Tables.

There dyed in London, At a Medium between the Years.

1604 and 1605 | 5135. | A.¹
1621 and 1622 | 8527. | B.
1641 and 1642 | 11883. | C.
1661 and 1662 | 15148. | D.
1681 and 1682 | 22331. | E.

Wherein Observe, That the Number C. is double to A. and 806 over. That D. is double to B. within 1906. That C. and D. is double to A. B. within 293. That E. is double to C. within 1435. That D. and E. is double to B. and C. within 3341. And that C. and D. and E. are double to A. and B. and C. within 1736 . And that E. is above Quadruple to A. All which differences (every way considered) do allow the doubling of the People of London in forty Years, to be a sufficient estimate thereof in round ‖ Numbers, and without the trouble of Fractions. We also say, That 669930 is near the Number of People now in London, because the Burials are 22331. which Multiplyed by 30, (one dying Yearly out of 30, as appears in the 94 pag. of the afore-mentioned Observations ) maketh the said Number; and because there are 84 Thousand Tenanted Houses (as we are Credibly Informed ) which at 8 in each, makes 672 Thousand Souls; the said two Accounts differing inconsiderably from each other.

We have thus pretty well found out in what Number of Years (viz. in about 40,) that the City of London hath doubled, and the present Number of Inhabitants to be aboutThe People of London are about the Eleventh part of all England and Wales. 670 Thousand. We must now also endeavour the same for the whole Territory of England and Wales. In Order whereunto, we ‖

First say, That the Assessment of London is about an Eleventh part of the whole Territory , and therefore, that the People of the whole may well be Eleven times that of London, viz. about 7 Millions,The people of England about 7 Millions and 400 thousand. 369 Thousand Soúls; with which Account that of the Poll-money, Hearth-money , and the Bishops late Numbring of the Communicants , do pretty well agree; wherefore, although the said Number of 7 Millions, 369 Thousand, be not (as it cannot be) a demonstrated Truth, yet it will serve for a good Supposition, which is as much as we want at present.

As for the time in which the People double, it is yet more hard to be found: For we have good Experience (in the said 94 pag. of the afore-mentioned Observations) That ‖ in the Countrey, but one of fifty dye per Annum; and by other late Accounts, that there have been sometimes but 24 Births for 23 Burials, The which two points, if they were universally, and constantly true, there would be colour enough to say, that the People doubled but in about 1200 Years. As for Example: Suppose there be 600 people, of which let a fiftieth part dye per Annum, then there shall dye 12 per Annum; and if the Births be as 24 to 23, then the Increase of the People shall be somewhat above half a Man per Annum, and consequently the supposed Number of 600, cannot be doubled but in 1126 Years, which to reckon in round Numbers, and for that the afore-mentioned Fractions were not exact, we had rather call 1200.

There are also other good Observations, That even in the Countrey, one in about 30, or 32 per Annum ‖ hath dyed, and that there have been five Births for four Burials . Now, according to this Doctrine, 20 will dye per Annum out of the above 600, and 25 will be Born, so as the Increase will be 5, which is a hundred and twentieth part of the said 600. So as we have two fair Computations, differing from each other as one to ten; and there are also several other good Observations for other Measures.

I might here Insert, That although the Births in this last Computation be 25 of 600, or a Twenty fourth part of the People; yet that in Natural possibility, they may be near thrice as many, and near 75. For that by some late Observations, the Teeming Females between 15 and 44, are about 180 of the said 600, and the Males of between 18 and 59, are about 180 also, and that every Teeming Woman can bear a Child ‖ once in two Years; from all which it is plain, that the Births may be 90. (and abating 15 for Sickness, Young Abortions, and Natural Barrenness) there may remain 75 Births, which is an Eighth of the People; which by some Observations we have found to be but a two and thirtieth part, or but a quarter of what is thus shewn to be Naturally possible. Now, according to this Reckoning, if the Births may be 75 of 600, and the Burials but 15, then the Annual Increase of the People will be 60; and so the said 600 People may double in 10 Years, which differs yet more from 1200 above-mentioned. Now, to get out of this Difficulty, and to temper those vast disagreements, I took the Medium of 50 and 30 dying per Annum, and pitch'd upon 40; and I also took the Medium between 24 Births and 23 Burials, and 5 Births for 4 Burials, ‖ viz. allowing about 10 Births for 9 Burials; upon which Supposition, there must dye 15 per Annum out of the above-mentioned 600, and the Births must be 16 and two Thirds, and the Increase I, and two Thirds, or five Thirds of a Man, which Number compared with 1800 Thirds, or 600 Men, gives 360 Years for the timeThat the time of doubling is here and now 360 Years. of doubling (including some Allowance for Wars, Plagues, and Famine, the Effects thereof, though they be Terrible at the Times and Places where they happen, yet in a period of 360 Years, is no great Matter in the whole Nation For the Plagues of England in 20 Years hath carried away scarce an Eightieth part of the People of the whole Nation; and the late 10 Years Civil Wars, (the like whereof hath not been in several Ages before) did not take away ‖ above a fortieth part of the whole people.)

According to which Account or Measure of doubling, if there be now in England and Wales, 7 Millions 400 Thousand People, there were about 5 Millions 526 Thousand in the beginning of Queen Elizabeths Reign, Anno 1560. and about two Millions at the Norman Conquest, of which Consult the Dooms-day Book, and my Lord Hale's Origination of Mankind

Memorandum, That if the People double in 360 Years, that the present 320 Millions computed by some320 Millions now in the World. Learned Men, (from the Measures of all the Nations of the World, their degrees of being Peopled, and good Accounts of the people in several of them) to be now upon the Face of the Earth , will within the next 2000 Years so increase as to give one ‖ Head for every two Acres of Land in the Habitable part of the Earth. And then, according to the Prediction of the Scriptures, there must be Wars and great Slaughter, &c.

Wherefore, as an Expedient against the above-mentioned difference between 10 and 1200 Years, we do for the present, and in this Countrey admit of 360 Years to be the time wherein the People of England do double, according to the present Laws and Practice of Marriages.

Now, if the City double its People in 40 Years, and the present Number be 670 Thousand, and if the whole Territory be 7 Millions 400 Thousand, and double in 360 Years, as aforesaid; then by the underwritten Table it appears, that Anno 1840, the People of the City will be 10718880, and those of the whole Country but 10917389, which is but inconsiderably more. Wherefore ‖ it is Certain and Necessary that the Growth of the City must stop before the said Year 1840: And will be at its utmost height in the next preceding Period, Anno 1800, when the Number of the City will be Eight times its present Number, viz. 5 Millions 359 Thousand. And when (besides the said Number) there will be 4 Millions 466 Thousand to perform the Tillage, Pasturage, and other Rural Works Necessary to be done without the said City, as by the following Table, viz.

1565
2568
77040
5526929

1722 | 44662 |  |
1762 | 89324 |  |
1802 | 178648 | 5359440 | 9825650
1842 | 357296 | 10718880 | 10917389 ‖

Now, when the People of London shall come to be so near the People of all England, Then it follows,That London will be at its highest growth, and eight times as great as now, Anno 1800. That the Growth of London must stop before the said Year 1842, as aforesaid, and must be at its greatest height Anno 1800, when it will be eight times more than now, with above four Millions for the Service of the Countrey and Ports, as aforesaid.

Of the afore-mentioned vast difference between and 1200 Years for doubling the People, we makeA digression of the use of the vast difference between 10 and 1200 Years of doubling. this use, viz. To justifie the Scriptures and all other good Histories concerning the Number of the People in Ancient Time. For supposing the eight Persons who came out of the Ark, Increased by a Progressive doubling in every 10 Years, might grow in the ‖ first 100 Years after the Flood from 8 to 8000, and that in 350 Years after the Flood (when abouts Noah dyed) to one Million, and by this time 1682, to 320 Millions (which by rational conjecture, are thought to be now in the World) it will not be hard to compute, how in the intermediate Years, the Growths may be made, according to what is set down in the following Table, wherein making the doubling to be 10 Years at first, and within 1200 Years at last, we take a discretionary liberty, but justifiable by Observations and the Scriptures for the rest, which Table we leave to be Corrected by Historians, who know the bigness of Ancient Cities, Armies, and Colonies in the respective Ages of the World, in the meantime affirming that without such difference in the Measures and Periods for doubling (the extreams whereof we have demonstrated ‖ to be real and true) it is impossible to solve what is written in the Holy Scriptures and other Authentick Books. For if we pitch upon any one Number throughout for this purpose, 150 Years is the fittest of all round Numbers; according to which, there would have been but 512 Souls in the whole World in Moses's time (being 800 Years after the Flood) when 603 Thousand Israelites of above 20 Years Old (besides those of other Ages, Tribes, and Nations) were found upon an exact Survey appointed by God , Whereas our Table makes 12 Millions. And there would have been but 8000 in David's Time, when were found 1100 Thousand of above 20 Years Old (besides others, as aforesaid) in Israel, upon the Survey instigated by Satan , whereas our Table makes 32 Millions. And there would have been but a quarter of a ‖ Million about the Birth of Christ, or Augustus his Time, when Rome and the Roman Empire were so great, whereas our Table makes 100 Millions. Where Note, That the Israelites in about 500 Years between their coming out of Egypt to David's Reign, increased from 603 Thousand to 1100 Thousand.

On the other hand, if we pitch upon a less Number, as 100 Years, the World would have been over-peopled 700 Years since. Wherefore, no one Number will solve the Phœnomena, and therefore we have supposed several in Order to make the following Table, which we again desire Historians to Correct, according to what they find in Antiquity concerning the Number of the People in each Age and Countrey of the World.

We did (not long since) assist a worthy Divine , writing against some ‖ Scepticks, who would have baffled our belief of the Resurrection, by saying, that the whole Globe of the Earth could not furnish Matter enough for all the Bodies that must Rise at the last Day, much less would the surface of the Earth furnish footing for so vast a Number; whereas we did (by the Method afore-mentioned) assert the Number of Men now living, and also of those that had dyed since the beginning of the World, and did withal shew, that half the Island of Ireland would afford them all, not only Footing to stand upon, but Graves to lye down in, for that whole Number; and that two Mountains in that Countrey were as weighty as all the Bodies that had ever been from the beginning of the World to the Year 1680, when this Dispute happened. For which purpose I have digressed from my intended purpose, to insert ‖ this Matter, intending to prosecute this hint further, upon some more proper Occasion.

A Table showing how the People might have doubled in the several Ages of the World.

Anno after the Flood.

40 | 240 | 256
50 | 290 | 512
60 | 350 | 1 Million and more.
70 | 420 | 2 Millions.
100 | 520 | 4 Millions.
190 | 710 | 8 Millions.
290 | 1000 | 16 In Moses Time.
400 | 1400 | 32 About Davids Time.
550 | 1950 | 64
750 | 2700 | 128 About the Birth of Christ.
1000 | 3700 | 256

It is here to be Noted, That in this Table we have assigned a different Number of Years for the time of doubling the People in the several Ages of the World, and might have done the same for the several Countries of the World, and therefore the said several Periods assigned to the whole World in the Lump, may well enough consist with the 360 Years especially assigned to England, between this Day, and the Norman Conquest; And the said 360 Years may well enough serve for a Supposition between this time, and that of the Worlds being fully Peopled; Nor do we lay any stress upon one or the other in this disquisition concerning the Growth of the City of London.

We have spoken of the Growth of London, with the Measures and Periods thereof, we come next to the Causes and Consequences of the same. ‖

The Causes of its Growth from 1642 to 1682, may be said to have been as followeth, viz. From 1642 to 1650, That Men came out of the Countrey to London, to shelter themselves from the Outrages of the Civil Wars, during that time; from 1650 to 1660, The Royal Party came to London, for their more private and inexpensive Living; from 1660 to 1670, the Kings Friends and Party came to receive his Favours after his Happy Restauration; from 1670 to 1680, The frequency of Plots and Parliaments might bring extraordinary Numbers to the City; But what Reasons to assign for the like Increase from 1604 to 1642, I know not, unless I should pick out some Remarkable Accident happening in each part of the said Period, and make that to be the Cause of this Increase (as Vulgar People make the Cause of every Mans Sickness to be ‖ what he did last eat) wherefore, rather than so to say quidlibet de quolibet; I had rather quit even what I have above-said to be the Cause of London's Increase from 1642 to 1682, and put the whole upon some Natural and Spontaneous Benefits and Advantages that Men find by Living in great more than in small Societies; and shall therefore seek for the Antecedent Causes of this Growth, in the Consequences of the like, considered in greater Characters and Proportions.

Now, whereas in Arithmetick, out of two false Positions the Truth is extracted, so I hope out of two extravagant contrary Suppositions, to draw forth some solid and consistent Conclusion, viz.

The first of the said two Suppositions is, That the City of London is seven times bigger than now, and that the Inhabitants of it are four ‖ Millions 690 Thousand People, and that in all the other Cities, Ports, Towns, and Villages, there are but two Millions 710 Thousand more.

The other Supposition is, That the City of London is but a seventh part of its present bigness, and that the Inhabitants of it are but 96 Thousand, and that the rest of the Inhabitants (being 7 Millions 304 Thousand) do Co-habit thus, 104 Thousand of them in small Citics and Towns, and that the rest, being seven Millions 200 Thousand, do Inhabit in Houses not contiguous to one another, viz. in 1200 Thousand Houses, having about 24 Acres of Ground belonging to each of them, accounting about 28 Millions of Acres to be in the whole Territory of England, Wales, and the adjacent Islands; which any Man that pleases may Examine upon a good Map. ‖

Now, the Question is, In which of these two Imaginary states, would be the most convenient, commodious and comfortable Livings?

But this general Question divides it self into the several Questions, relating to the following Particulars, viz.

1. For the Defence of the Kingdom against Foraign Powers.

2. For preventing the Intestine Commotions of Parties and Factions.

3. For Peace and Uniformity in Religion.

4. For the Administration of Justice.

5. For the proportionably Taxing of the People, and easie Levying the same.

6. For Gain by Foraign Commerce.

7. For Husbandry, Manufacture, and for Arts of Delight and Ornament. ‖

8. For lessening the Fatigue of Carriages and Travelling.

9. For preventing Beggars and Thieves.

10. For the Advancement and Propagation of Useful Learning.

11. For Increasing the People by Generation.

12. For preventing the Mischiefs of Plagues and Contagions. And withal, which of the said two states is most Practicable and Natural, for in these and the like particulars, do lye the Tests and Touch-stones of all Proposals, that can be made for the Publick Good.

First, as to Practicable, we say, That although our said Extravagant Proposals are both in Nature possible, yet it is not Obvious to every Man to conceive, how London, now seven times bigger than in the beginning of Queen Elizabeths Reign, should be seven times bigger than now it is, ‖ and 49 times bigger than Anno 1560. To which I say, 1. That the present City of London stands upon less than 1500 Acres of Ground, wherefore a City, seven times as large may stand upon 10500 Acres, which is about equivalent to a Circle of four Miles and a half in Diameter, and less than 15 Miles in Circumference. 2. That a Circle of Ground of 35 Miles Semidiameter will bear Corn, Garden-stuff, Fruits, Hay, and Timber, for the four Millions 690 Thousand Inhabitants of the said City and Circle, so as nothing of that kind need be brought from above 35 Miles distance from the said City; for the Number of Acres within the said Circle, reckoning one Acre sufficient to furnish Bread and Drink-Corn for every Head, and two Acres will furnish Hay for every Necessary Horse; And that the Trees which may grow in the Hedge-rows of the ‖ Fields within the said Circle, may furnish Timber for 600 Thousand Houses. 3. That all live Cattel and great Animals can bring themselves to the said City; and that Fish can be brought from the Lands-end and Berwick as easily as now. 4. Of Coals there is no doubt: And for Water, 20s. per Family (or 600 Thousand pounds per Annum in the whole) will serve this City, especially with the help of the New River. But if by Practicable be understood, that the present state may be suddenly changed into either of the two above-mentioned Proposals, I think it is not Practicable. Wherefore the true Question is, unto or towards which of the said two Extravagant states it is best to bend the present state by degrees, viz. Whether it be best to lessen or enlarge the present City? In Order where-unto we enquire (as to the first Question) which ‖ state is most Defensible against Forraign Powers, saying, that if the above-mentioned Housing, and a border of Ground, of 3 quarters of a Mile broad, were encompassed with a Wall and Ditch of 20 Miles about (as strong as any in Europe, which would cost but a Million, or about a Penny in the shilling of the House-Rent for one Year) what Foraign Prince could bring an Army from beyond Seas, able to beat, 1. Our Sea-Forces, and next with Horse harrass'd at Sea, to resist all the fresh Horse that England could make, and then Conquer above a Million of Men, well United, Disciplin'd, and Guarded within such a Wall, distant everywhere 3 quarters of a Mile from the Housing, to elude the Granadoes and great Shot of the Enemy? 2. As to Intestine Parties and Factions, I suppose that 4 Millions 690 Thousand People United within this great ‖ City, could easily Govern half the said Number scattered without it, and that a few Men in Arms within the said City, and Wall, could also easily Govern the rest unarmed, or Armed in such manner as the Soveraign shall think fit. 3. As to Uniformity in Religion, I conceive, That if St. Martins Parish may (as it doth) consist of about 40 Thousand Souls, That this great City also may as well be made but as one Parish, with 7 times 130 Chappels, in which might not only be an Uniformity of Common Prayer, but in Preaching also; for that a thousand Copies of one Judiciously and Authentically Composed Sermon might be every Week read in each of the said Chappels without any subsequent Repetition of the same, as in the Case of Homilies. Whereas in England (wherein are near 10 Thousand Parishes, in each of which upon Sundays, Holy-days, ‖ and other Extraordinary Occasions, there should be about 100 Sermons per Annum, making about a Million of Sermons per Annum in the whole:) It were a Miracle, if a Million of Sermons Composed by so many Men, and of so many Minds and Methods, should produce Uniformity upon the discomposed understandings of about 8 Millions of Hearers.

4. As to the Administration of Justice. If in this great City shall dwell the Owners of all the Lands, and other Valuable things in England; If within it shall be all the Traders, & all the Courts, Offices, Records, Juries, and Witnesses; Then it follows, that Justice may be done with speed and ease.

5. As to the Equality and easie Levying of Taxes, It is too certain, That London hath at some time paid near half the Excise of England; and that the people pay ‖ thrice as much for the Hearths in London as those in the Countrey, in proportion to the People of each, and that the Charge of Collecting these Duties, have been about a sixth part of the Duty it self. Now, in this great City the Excise alone according to the present Laws, would not only be double to the whole Kingdom, but also more equal. And the Duty of Hearths of the said City, would exceed the present proceed of the whole Kingdom. And as for the Customs, We mention them not at present.

6. Whether more would be gain'd by Foraign Commerce .

The Gain which England makes by Lead, Coals, the Freight of Shipping, &c. may be the same, for ought I see, in both Cases. But the Gain which is made by Manufactures, will be greater, as the Manufacture it self is greater and better. For in so vast ‖ a City Manufactures will beget one another, and each Manufacture will be divided into as many parts as possible, whereby the Work of each Artisan will be simple and easie; As for Example. In the making of a Watch, If one Man shall make the Wheels, another the Spring, another shall Engrave the Dial-plate, and another shall make the Cases, then the Watch will be better and cheaper, than if the whole Work be put upon any one Man. And we also see that in Towns, and in the Streets of a great Town, where all the Inhabitants are almost of one Trade, the Commodity peculiar to those places is made better and cheaper than elsewhere. Moreover, when all sorts of Manufactures are made in one place, there every Ship that goeth forth, can suddenly have its Loading of so many several Particulars and Species as the Port whereunto she is bound ‖ can take off. Again, when the several Manufactures are made in one place, and Shipped off in another, the Carriage, Postage, and Travelling-charges will Inhance the Price of such Manufacture, and lessen the Gain upon Foraign Commerce. And lastly, when the Imported Goods are spent in the Port it self, where they are Landed, the Carriage of the same into other places, will create no surcharge upon such Commodity; all which particulars tends to the greater Gain by Foraign Commerce.

7. As for Arts of Delight and Ornament,

They are best promoted by the greatest Number of Emulators. And it is more likely that one Ingenious Curious Man may rather be found out amongst 4 Millions than 400 Persons. But as for Husbandry, viz. Tillage and Pasturage, I see no Reason, but the second state (when ‖ each Family is charged with the Culture of about 24 Acres) will best promote the same.

8. As for lessening the Fatigue of Carriage and Travelling,

The thing speaks it self, for if all the Men of Business, and all Artisans do Live within five Miles of each other; And if those who Live without the great City, do spend only such Commodities as grow where they Live, when the charge of Carriage and Travelling could be little.

9. As to the preventing of Beggars and Thieves,

I do not find how the differences of the said two states should make much difference in this particular; for Impotents (which are but one in about 600) ought to be maintained by the rest. 2. Those who are unable to work, through the evil Education of their Parents, ought (for ought I know) to be maintained ‖ by their nearest Kindred, as a just Punishment upon them. 3. And those who cannot find Work (though able and willing to perform it) by reason of the unequal application of Hands to Lands, ought to be provided for by the Magistrate and Land-Lord till that can be done; for there needs be no Beggars in Countries, where there are many Acres of unimproved improvable Land to every Head, as there are in England. As for Thieves, they are for the most part begotten from the same Cause; For it is against Nature, that any Man should venture his Life, Limb, or Liberty, for a wretched Livelyhood, whereas moderate Labour will produce a better. But of this see Sir Thomas Moor, in the first part of his Utopia .

10. As to the propagation and Improvement of Useful Learning, ‖

The same may be said concerning it as was above-said concerning Manufactures, and the Arts of Delight and Ornaments; for in the great vast City, there can be no so odd a Conceit or Design, whereunto some Assistance may not be found, which in the thin, scattered way of Habitation may not be.

11. As for the Increase of People by Generation,

I see no great difference from either of the two states, for the same may be hindred or promoted in either, from the same Causes.

12. As to the Plague,

It is to be remembred that one time with another, a Plague happeneth in London once in 20 Years, or there-abouts; for in the last hundred Years, between the Years 1582 and 1682, there have been five great Plagues, viz. Anno 1592, 1603, 1625, 1636, and 1665. And it is also to ‖ be remembred that the Plagues of London do commonly kill one fifth part of the Inhabitants. Now, if the whole People of England do double but in 360 Years, then the Annual Increase of the same is but 20000, and in 20 Years 400000. But if in the City of London there should be two Millions of People, (as there will be about 60 Years hence) then the Plague (killing one fifth of them, namely, 400000 once in 20 Years) will destroy as many in one Year, as the whole Nation can re-furnish in 20: And consequently the People of the Nation shall never Increase. But if the People of London shall be above 4 Millions (as in the first of our two Extravagant Suppositions is premised) then the People of the whole Nation shall lessen above 20000 per Annum. So as if People be worth 70l. per Head (as hath elsewhere been shown ) ‖ then the said greatness of the City will be a damage to it self and the whole Nation of 14 hundred Thousand pounds per Annum, and so pro rata, for a greater or lesser Number; wherefore to determine, which of the two states is best, (that is to say, towards which of the said two states Authority should bend the present state) a just Balance ought to be made between the disadvantages from the Plague, with the Advantages accruing from the other Particulars above-mentioned; unto which Balance a more exact Account of the People, and a better Rule for the Measure of its Growth is Necessary, than what we have here given, or are yet able to lay down. ‖

Post-script.

IT was not very pertinent to a Discourse concerning the Growth of the City of London, to thrust in Considerations of the Time when the whole World will be fully Peopled; and how to justifie the Scriptures concerning the Number of People mentioned in them; and concerning the Number of the Quick and the Dead, that may Rise at the last Day, &c. Nevertheless, since some Friends liking the said Digressions and Impertinencies (perhaps as sauce to a dry Discourse) have desired that the same might be explain'd and made out. I therefore say as followeth.

1. If the Number of Acres in the Habitable part of the Earth, be under ‖ 50 Thousand Millions; if Twenty Thousand Millions of People, are more than the said Number of Acres will feed; (few or no Countries being so fully Peopled;) and for that in six doublings (which will be in 2000 Years) the present 320 Millions will exceed the said 20 Thousand Millions.

2. That the Number of all those who have dyed since the Flood, is the sum of all the Products made by Multiplying the Number of the doubling Periods mentioned in the first Column of the last Table, by the Number of People respectively affixed to them, in the third Column of the same Table; the said sum being Divided by 40 (one dying out of 40 per Annum, out of the whole Mass of Mankind) which Quotient is 12570 Millions; Whereunto may be added, for those that dyed before the Flood, enough to make the lastmentioned ‖ Number 20 Thousand Millions, as the full Number of all that dyed, from the beginning of the World, to the Year 1682; unto which, if 320 Millions, the Number of those who are now alive, be added, the Total of the Quick and the Dead, will amount but unto one fifth part of the Graves, which the surface of Ireland will afford, without ever putting two Bodies into any one Grave; for there be in Ireland 28 Thousand square English Miles, each whereof will afford about 4 Millions of Graves, and consequently above 114 Thousand Millions of Graves, viz. about 5 times the Number of the Quick and the Dead, which should arise at the last Day, in case the same had been in the Year 1682.

3. Now, if there may be place for five times as many Graves in Ireland, as sufficient for all that ever ‖ dyed; And if the Earth of one Grave weigh five times as much as the Body Interr'd therein, then a Turf, less than a Foot thick, pared off from a fifth part of the surface of Ireland, will be equivalent in bulk and weight to all the Bodies that ever were Buried; And may serve as well for that purpose, as the two Mountains afore-mentioned in the body of this Discourse. From all which it is plain, how madly they were mistaken, who did so petulantly vilifie what the Holy Scriptures have delivered.

FINIS.

OBSERVATIONS
UPON THE
Dublin-Bills
OF
MORTALITY,
M D C L X X X I.
State of that CITY.

By the Observator on the LONDON Bills of MORTALITY.

LONDON:

Printed for Mark Pardoe, at the Sign of the Black Raven, over against Bedford-house in the Strand. 1683.

NOTE ON THE DUBLIN “OBSERVATIONS.”

OBSERVATIONS
upon the
DUBLIN-Bills of Mortality, 1681.
and the
State of that CITY.

THE Observations upon the London-Bills of Mortality have been a new Light to the World; and the like Observation upon those of Dublin, may serve as Snuffers to make the same Candle burn clearer.

The London-Observations flowed from Bills regularly kept for near One hundred years; but these are squeezed out of Six stragling London-Bills, out of Fifteen Dublin Bills, and from a Note of the Families and Hearths in each Parish of Dublin; which are all digested into the one Table or Sheet annexed, consisting of Three Parts, markt A, B, C; being indeed the A, B, C, of Publick Oeconony, and even of that Policy which tends to Peace and Plenty. ‖

Observations upon the Table A.

1. THe Total of the Burials in London, (for the said Six stragling years mentioned in the Table A) is 120170; whereof the Medium or Sixth part is 20028; and exceeds the Burials of Paris, as may appear by the late Bills of that City.

2. The Births, for the same time, are 73683, the Medium or Sixth part whereof is 12280, which is about Five eighth parts of the Burials; and shews, that London would in time decrease quite away, were it not supplyed out of the Countrey, where are about Five Births for Four Burials, the proportion of Breeders in the Country being greater than in the City.

3. The Burials in Dublin for the said Six years, were 9865, the Sixth part or Medium whereof is, 1644, which is about the Twelfth part of the London-Burials; and about a Fifth part over. So as the people of London do hereby seem to be above Twelve times as many as those of Dublin.

4. The Births in the same time at Dublin, are 6157, the Sixth part or Medium whereof is 1026, which is also about five eighth parts of the 1644 Burials; which shews, that the ‖ proportion between Burials and Births are alike at London and Dublin, and that the Accompts are kept alike; and consequently are likely to be true, there being no Confederacy for that purpose: Which if they be true, we then say,

5. That the Births are the best way (till the Accompts of the people shall be purposely taken) whereby to judge of the Increase and Decrease of People, that of Burials being subject to more Contingencies and variety of Causes.

6. If Births be as yet the measure of the People, and that the Births (as has been shewn) are as Five to Eight, then Eight fifths of the Births is the number of the Burials, where the year was not considerable for extraordinary Sickness or Salubrity; and is the Rule whereby to measure the same. As for Example: The Medium of Births in Dublin was 1026, the Eight fifths whereof is 1641, but the real Burials were 1644; so as in the said years they differed little from the 1641, which was the Standard of Health; and consequently, the years 1680, 1674, and 1668, were sickly years, more or less, as they exceeded the said Number 1641; and the rest were healthful years, more or less, as they fell short of the same number. But the City was more or less Populous, as the Births differed ‖ from the Number 1026; viz. Populous in the years 1680, 1679, 1678, & 1668: For other causes of this difference in Births, are very occult and uncertain.

7. What hath been said of Dublin, serves also for London.

8. It hath already been observ'd by the London-Bills, That there are more Males than Females . It is to be further noted, that in these Six London-Bills also; there is not one instance either in the Births or Burials to the contrary.

9. It hath been formerly observ'd, That in the years wherein most dye, fewest are born, & vice versâ . The same may be further observ'd in Males and Females, viz. When fewest Males are born, then most dye: for here the Males dyed as Twelve to Eleven, which is above the mean proportion of Fourteen to Thirteen, but were born but as Nineteen to Eighteen, which is below the same.

Observations upon the Table B.

1. FRom the Table B, it appears, That the Medium of the Fifteen years Burials, (being 24199) is 1613, whereas the Medium of the other six years in the Table A, was 1644, and that the Medium of the Fifteen ‖ years Births (being in all 14765) is 984, whereas the Medium of the said other six years, was 1026 . That is to say, there were both fewer Births and Burials in these Fifteen years, than in the other six years; which is a probable sign that at a Medium there were fewer People also.

2. The Medium of Births for the Fifteen years being 984, whereof Eight fifths (being 1576) is the Standard of Health for the said Fifteen years; and the triple of the said 1576, being 4728, is the standard for each of the Ternaries of the Fifteen years within the said Table.

3. That 2952, the triple of 984 Births, is for each Ternary the Standard of Peoples increase and decrease from the year 1666 to 1680 inclusive, viz. The People increased in the second Ternary, and decreased from the same in the Third and Fourth Ternarys, but re-increased in the Fifth Ternary beyond any other.

4. That the last Ternary was withal very healthful, the Burials being but 4624, viz. below 4728, the Standard.

5. That according to this proportion of increase, the Housing of Dublin have probably increased also. ‖

Observations upon the Table C.

1. FIrst, from the Table C, it appears, 1. That the Housing of Dublin is such, as that there are not five Hearths in each House one with another, but nearer five than four.

2. That in St. Warburghs Parish are near six Hearths to an House. In St. Johns five. In St. Michaels above five. In St. Nicholas within above six. In Christ-Church above seven. In St. James's, and St. Katherines, and in St. Michans, not four. In St. Kevans about four.

3. That in St. James's, St. Michans, St. Brides, St. Warburgh, St. Andrews, St. Michaels, and St. Patricks, all the Christnings were but 550, and the Burials 1055, viz. near double; and that in the rest of the Parishes the Christnings were five, and the Burials seven, viz. as 457 to 634 . Now whether the cause of this difference were negligence in Accompts, or the greaterness of the Families, &c. is worth inquiring.

4. It is hard to say in what order (as to greatness) these Parishes ought to stand, some having most Families; some most Hearths, some most Births, and others most Burials. Some Parishes exceeding the rest in two, ‖ others in three of the said four particulars, but none in all four. Wherefore this Table ranketh them according to the plurality of the said four particulars wherein each excelleth the other.

5. The London-Observations reckon eight heads in each Family ; according to which estimation, there are 32000 Souls in the 4000 Families of Dublin; which is but half of what most Men imagine; of which but about one sixth part are able to bear Arms, besides the Royal Regiment.

6. Without the knowledge of the true number of People, as a Principle, the whole scope and use of the keeping Bills of Births and Burials is impaired; wherefore by laborious Conjectures and Calculations to deduce the number of People from the Births and Burials, may be Ingenious, but very preposterous.

7. If the number of Families in Dublin be about 4000, then Ten Men, in one week (at the Charge of about Five pound, Surveying Eight Families in an hour) may directly, and without Algebra, make an Accompt of the whole People, expressing their several Ages, Sex, Marriages, Title, Trade, Religion, &c. and those who survey the Hearths, or the Constables or Parish Clarks, (may, if required) do the same ex Officio, and without other ‖ Charge, by the Command of the Chief Governor, the Diocesan, or the Mayor .

8. The Bills of London have since their beginning, admitted several Alterations and Improvements; and eight or ten pound per annum surcharge, would make the Bills of Dublin to exceed all others, and become an excellent Instrument of Government. To which purpose the Forms for Weekly, Quarterly, and Yearly Bills are humbly recommended, viz.

A Weekly Bill of Mortality for the City of Dublin, Ending the day of 1681.

A Quarterly Bill of Mortality, Beginning and ending for the City of Dublin.

An Account of the People of Dublin for one year, Ending the 24th of March, 168½.

Casualties and Diseases.

Aged above 70 years.

Abortive and Still-born.

Childbed-women.

Convulsion.

Teeth.

Worms.

Gout, and Sciatica.

Stone.

Palsey.

Consumption, and French Pox.

Dropsie, and Tympany.

Rickets, and Livergrown.

Head-ach and Megrim.

Epilepsie, and Planet.

Fever, and Ague.

Pleurisie.

Quinsey.

Executed, Murder'd Drown'd.

Plague, and Spotted-Fever.

Griping of the Guts.

Scowring, Vomiting, Bleeding.

Small Pox.

Measels.

Neither of all the other sorts.

A
POSTSCRIPT
TO THE
STATIONER.

WHereas you complain, that these Observations make no sufficient Bulk, I could answer you. That I wish the Bulk of all Books were less; but do never-the-less comply with you in adding what follows, viz.

1. That the Parishes of Dublin are very unequal; some having in them above Six hundred Families, and others under Thirty.

2. That, Thirteen Parishes are too few for Four thousand Families; the midling Parishes of London containing One hundred and twenty Families; according to which rate, there should be about Thirty three Parishes in Dublin.

3. It is said, that there are Eighty four thousand Houses or Families in London, which is Twenty one times more than are in Dublin; and yet the Births and Burials of London are but Twelve times those of Dublin: which shews that the Inhabitants of Dublin are more crowded and streightned in their Housing, than those of London; and consequently, that to increase the Buildings of Dublin, will make that City more conformable to London.

4. I shall also add some Reasons for altering the present forms of the Dublin-Bills of Mortality, according to what hath been here recommended, viz.

1. We give the distinctions of Males and Females in the Births onely; for that the Burials must, at one time or another, be in the same proportion with the Births. ‖

2. We do in the Weekly and Quarterly Bills propose, that notice be taken in the Burials of what numbers dye above Sixty and Seventy, and what under Sixteen, Six, and Two years old; foreseeing good uses to be made of that distinction.

3. We do in the Yearly Bill, reduce the Casualties to about Twenty four, being such as may be discerned by common sense and without Art; conceiving that more will but perplex and imbroil the Account. And in the Quarterly Bills, we reduce the Diseases to Three Heads, viz. Contagious, Acute, and Chronical; applying this distinction to Parishes, in order to know how the different Scituation, Soil, and way of living in each Parish, doth dispose Men to each of the said Three Species: and in the Weekly Bills we take notice not only of the Plague, but of the other Contagious Diseases in each Parish; that strangers and fearful ‖ Persons may thereby know how to dispose of themselves.

4. We mention the Number of the People, as the Fundamental Term in all our proportions; and without which, all the rest will be almost fruitless.

5. We mention the number of Marriages made in every Quarter, and in every year; as also the proportion which Married Persons bear to the whole; expecting in such Observations to read the improvement of the Nation.

6. As for Religions, we reduce them to Three, viz. 1. Those who have the Pope of Rome for their Head. 2. Who are Governed by the Laws of their Country. 3. Thosè who rely respectively upon their own private Judgments. Now whether these distinctions should be taken notice of or not, we do but faintly recommend, seeing many Reasons pro and con for the same: and therefore although we have mentioned it as a matter fit to be considered, yet we humbly leave it to Authority. ‖

FURTHER
OBSERVATION
UPON THE
Dublin-Bills:
OR,
ACCOMPTS
OF THE
Houses, Hearths, Baptisms, And Burials in that
CITY.

The Second Edition, Corrected and Enlarg'd.

By Sir WILLIAM PETTY, Fellow of the Royal Society.

LONDON: Printed for Mark Pardoe, at the Sign of the Black Raven, over against Bedford-House in the Strand. 1686.

NOTE ON THE “FURTHER OBSERVATIONS.”

In 1686 the Further Observations were prefixed to the Observations upon the Dublin Bills as issued in 1683, and the whole was put forward as a “second edition, corrected and enlarg'd.” In fact, however, the original Observations of 1683 were not even reprinted in 1686, the left-over sheets being utilized, and the only change being the suppression of the 1683 title given at p. 479. The following four pages, therefore, include all that was ever added to the 1683 Observations.

The STATIONER
TO THE
READER.

I Have not thought fit to make any Alteration of the first Edition, but have only added a New Table, with Observation upon it, placing the same in the front of what was before; which perhaps might have been as well placed after the like Table at the 8th Page of the first Edition.

Further Observations upon the Dublin Accompts of Baptisms and Burials, Houses and Hearths, viz.

THe Table hath been made for the Year 1682, wherein is to be noted, ‖

1. That the Houses which Anno 1671, were but 3850 are Anno 1682, 6025; but whether this difference is caused by the real encrease of Housing, or by fraud and defect in the former Accompts, is left to consideration. For the Burials or People have increased but from 1696, to 2263, according to which proportion, the 3850 Houses Anno 1671, should Anno 1682 have been but 5143, wherefore some fault may be suspected as aforesaid, when Farming the Hearth-mony was in agitation .

2. The Hearths have encreased according to the Burials, and ⅓ of the said increase more, viz. the Burials Anno 1671 were 1696, the ⅓ whereof is 563, which put together makes 2259, which is near the number of Burials Anno 1682. But the Hearths Anno 1671 were 17500, whereof the ⅓ is 5833, making in all but 23333; whereas the whole Hearths ‖ Anno 1682 were 25369, vis. ⅓ and better of the said 5833 more.

3. The Housing were Anno 1671, but 3850, which if they had encreased Anno 1682 but according to the Burials, they had been but 5143, or according to the Hearths, had been but 5488, whereas they appear 6025, encreasing double to the Hearths. So as 'tis likely there hath been some errour in the said Account of the Housing, unless the new Housing be very small, and have but one Chimney apiece, and that ¼ part of them are untenanted. On the other hand, 'tis more likely that when 1696 dy'd per An. there were near 6000; for 6000 Houses at 8 Inhabitants per House, would make the number of the People to be 48 Thousand, and the number of 1696 that died according to the Rule of One out of 30, would have made the number of Inhabitants about 50 Thousand: For which reason I continue to ‖ believe there was some Errour in the Accompt of 3850 Houses as aforesaid, and the rather because there is no ground from experience to think that in II year, the Houses in Dublin have encreased from 3850 to 6025.

Moreover, I rather think that the number of 6025 is yet short, because that number at 8 heads per House makes the Inhabitants to be but 48200; whereas the 2263 who died in the year 1682, according to the aforemention'd Rule of one dying out of 30 makes the number of People to be 67890; the Medium betwixt which number and 48200 is 58045, which is the best estimate I can make of that matter, which I hope Authority will ere long rectifie, by direct and exact Enquiries.

4. As to the Births, we say that Anno 1640, 1641, and 1642, at London, just before the Troubles in Religion began, the Births were ⅚ of the ‖ Burials, by reason I suppose of the greaterness of Families in London above the Country, and the fewer Breeders, and not for want of Registring. Wherefore, deducting ⅙ of 2263, which is 377, there remains 1886 for the probable number of Births in Dublin for the year 1682; whereas but 912 are represented to have been Christen'd in that year, though 1023 were christened Anno 1671, when there died but 1696; which decreasing of the Christnings, and increasing of the Burials, shews the increase of Nonregistering in the Legal Books, which must be the increase of Roman Catholicks at Dublin.

The scope of this whole Paper therefore is, That the People of Dublin are rather 58000, than 32000 ; and that the Dissenters, who do not Register their Baptisms, have encreased from 391 to 974: but of Dissenters, none ‖ have increased but the Roman Catholicks, whose Numbers have encreased from about 2 to 5 in the said Years. The exacter Knowledge whereof, may also be better had from direct Enquiries.

FINIS.

WHITE-HAll

Aug. 26th 1686.

Let this Paper be printed

Sunderland P.

TWO
ESSAYS
IN
Political Arithmetick,
Concerning the
People, Housing, Hospitals, &c.
London and Paris.

By Sir WILLIAM PETTY, Fellow of the Royal Society.

——Qui sciret Regibus uti

Fastidiret olus

LONDON, Printed for F. Lloyd in the Middle Exchange next Salisbury-House in the Strand. 1687.

NOTE ON THE “TWO ESSAYS.”

TO THE
KING's
Most Excellent MAJESTY.

IDo presume, in a very small Paper, to shew Your Majesty that Your City of London seems more considerable than the Two best Cities of the French Monarchy, and for ought I can find, greater than any other of the Universe, which because I can say ‖ without flattery, and by such Demonstration as Your Majesty can examine, I humbly pray Your Majesty to accept from

Your Majesty's
Most Humble, Loyal
and Obedient Subject,

William Petty.

AN
ESSAY
IN
Political Arithmetick,
BY
Sir WILLIAM PETTY,

Tending to prove that London hath more People and Housing than the Cities of Paris and Rouen put together, and is also more considerable in several other respects .

1. THE Medium of the Burials at London in the three last years, viz. 1683, 1684 and 1685, (wherein there was no extraordinary Sickness, ‖ and wherein the Christenings do correspond in their ordinary proportions with the Burials and Christenings of each year one with another) was 22337, and the like Medium of Burials for the three last Paris Bills we could procure, viz. for the years 1682, 1683 and 1684 (whereof the last as appears by the Christenings to have been very sickly) is 19887 .

2. The City of Bristol in England appears to be by good estimate of its Trade and Customes as great as Rouen in France, and the City of Dublin in Ireland appears to have more Chimnies than Bristol, and consequently more People, and the Burials in ‖ Dublin were Anno 1682 (being a sickly year) but 2263.

3. Now the Burials of Paris (being 19887) being added to the Burials of Dublin (supposed more than at Rouen) being 2263, makes but 22150, whereas the Burials of London were 187 more, or 22337, or as about 6 to 7 .

4. If those who die unnecessarily, and by miscarriage in L'hostel Dieu in Paris (being above 3000) as hath been elsewhere shewn , or any part thereof, should be substracted out of the Paris Burials aforementioned, then our assertion will be stronger, and more proportionable to what follows ‖ concerning the Housing of those Cities, viz.

5. There were burnt at London, Anno 1666, above 13000 houses, which being but a fifth part of the whole, the whole number of houses in the said year, were above 65000; and whereas the ordinary Burials of London have increased between the years 1666 and 1686, above one third the total of the houses at London Anno 1686, must be about 87000, which Anno 1682, appeared by accompt to have been 84000 .

6. Monsieur Morery, the great French Author of the late Geographical Dictionaries , who makes Paris the greatest City in the World, ‖ doth reckon but 50000 houses in the same, and other Authors and knowing Men much less; nor are there full 7000 houses in the City of Dublin, so as if the 50000 houses of Paris, and the 7000 houses in the City of Dublin were added together, the total is but 57000 Houses, whereas those of London are 87000 as aforesaid, or as 6 to 9.

7. As for the Shipping and foreign Commerce of London, the common sense of all Men doth judge it to be far greater than that of Paris and Rouen put together.

8. As to the Wealth and Gain accruing to the Inhabitants of London and Paris by Law-suits (or La chicane) I onely say that the Courts ‖ of London extend to all England and Wales, and affect seven Millions of People, whereas those of Paris do not extend near so far: Moreover there is no palpable conspicuous argument at Paris for the Number and Wealth of Lawyers like the Buildings and Chambers in the Two Temples, Lincoln's Inn, Gray's Inn, Doctors Commons, and the seven other Inns in which are Chimnies, which are to be seen at London, besides many Lodgings, Halls, and Offices relating to the same.

9. As to the plentifull and easie living of the People we say,

1. That the People of Paris to those of London, being as about ‖ 6 to 7, and the Housing of the same as about 6 to 9, we infer that the People do not live at London so close and crouded as at Paris, but can afford themselves more room and liberty.

2. That at London the Hospitals are better and more desirable than those of Paris, for that in the best at Paris there die 2 out of 15 , whereas at London there die out of the worst scarce 2 of 16, and yet but a fiftieth part of the whole die out of the Hospitals at London, and ⅖ or 20 times that proportion die out of the Paris Hospitals which are of the same kind; that is to say, the number of those at London, who chuse to lie sick in Hospitals rather than ‖ in their own Houses, are to the like People of Paris as one to twenty; which shews the greater Poverty or want of Means in the People of Paris than those of London.

3. We infer from the premisses, viz. the dying scarce 2 of 16 out of the London Hospitals, and about 2 of 15 in the best of Paris, (to say nothing of L'hostel Dieu) That either the Physicians and Chirurgeons of London are better than those of Paris, or that the Air of London is more wholesome.

10. As for the other great Cities of the World, if Paris were the greatest we need say no more ‖ in behalf of London. As for Pequin in China, we have no account fit to reason upon; nor is there anything in the Description of the two late Voyages of the Chines's Emperour from that City into East and West Tartary , in the years 1682 and 1683, which can make us recant what we have said concerning London. As for Dely and Agra belonging to the Mogull we find nothing against our position, but much to shew the vast numbers which attend that Emperour in his business and pleasures.

11. We shall conclude with Constantinople and Gran Cairo; as for Constantinople it hath been said by one who endeavour'd to shew ‖ the greatness of that City, and the greatness of the Plague which reigned in it, that there died 1500 per diem, without other circumstances: To which we answer, that in the year 1665 there died in London 1200 per diem, and it hath been well proved that the Plague of London never carried away above ⅕ of the People, whereas it is commonly believed that in Constantinople, and other Eastern Cities, and even in Italy and Spain, that the Plague takes away ⅖ one half or more; wherefore where 1200 is but ⅕ of the People it is probable that the number was greater, than where 1500 was ⅖ or one half, &c. ‖

12. As for Gran Cairo it is reported, that 73000 died in 10 weeks or 1000 per diem , where note, that at Gran Cairo the Plague comes and goes away suddenly, and that the Plague takes away 2 or ⅗ parts of the People as aforesaid; so as 73000 was probably the number of those that died of the Plague in one whole year at Gran Cairo, whereas at London Anno 1665, 97000 were brought to account to have died in that year. Wherefore it is certain, that that City wherein 97000 was but ⅕ of the People, the number was greater than where 73000 was ⅖ or the half. ‖

We therefore conclude, that London hath more People, Housing, Shipping and Wealth, than Paris and Rouen put together; and for ought yet appears, is more considerable than any other City in the Universe, which was propounded to be proved. ‖

AN
ESSAY
IN
Political Arithmetick,
BY
Sir WILLIAM PETTY,

Tending to prove that in the Hospital called L'hostel Dieu at Paris, there die above 3000 per Annum by reason of ill accommodation.

1. IT appears that Anno 1678 there entred into the Hospital of La Charité 2647 Souls, of which there died there within the said year 338, which ‖ is above an eighth part of the said 2647, and that in the same year there entred into L'hostel Dieu 21491, and that there died out of that number 5630, which is above one quarter, so as about half the said 5630, being 2815, seem to have died for want of as good usage and accommodation as might have been had at La Charité .

2. Moreover in the year 1679 there entred into La Charité 3118, of which there died 452, which is above a seventh part, and in the same year there entred into L'hostel Dieu 28635, of which there died 8397; and in both the said years 1678 and 1679 (being very different in their degrees of ‖ Mortality) there entred into L'hostel Dieu 28635 and 21491, in all 50126, the Medium whereof is 25063, and there died out of the same in the said Two years 5630 & 8397, in all 14027, the Medium whereof is 7013.

3. There entred in the said years into La Charité 2647 and 3118, in all 5765, the Medium whereof is 2882, whereof there died 338 and 452, in all 790, the Medium whereof is 395.

4. Now if there died out of L'hostel Dieu 7013 per annum, and that the proportion of those that died out of L'hostel Dieu is double to those that died out of La Charité (as by the above ‖ Numbers it appears to be near there abouts) then it follows that half the said Numbers of 7013 being 3506, did not die by natural necessity, but by the evil administration of that Hospital.

5. This Conclusion seem'd at the first sight very strange, and rather to be some mistake or chance than a solid and real truth, but considering the same matter as it appeared at London, we were more reconciled to the belief of it, viz.

1. In the Hospital of St. Bartholomew in London there was sent out and cured in the year 1685, 1764 Persons, and there died out of the said Hospital 252. ‖ Moreover there were sent out and cured out of St. Thomas's Hospital 1523, and buried 209, that is to say, there were cur'd in both Hospitals 3287, and buried out of both Hospitals 461, and consequently cured and buried 3748, of which number the 461 buried is less than an eighth part; whereas at La Charité the part that died was more than an eighth part; which shews that out of the most poor and wretched Hospitals of London there died fewer in proportion than out of the best in Paris.

2. Farthermore, it hath been above shewn that there died out of La Charité at a Medium 395 per annum, and 141 out of Les ‖ Incurables making in all 536; and that out of St. Bartholomew's and St. Thomas's Hospital, London, there died at a Medium but 461, of which Les Incurables are part; which shews that although there be more People in London than in Paris, yet there went at London not so many People to Hospitals as there did at Paris, although the poorest Hospitals at London, were better than the best at Paris; which shews that the poorest People at London have better accommodation in their own houses, than the best Hospital of Paris affordeth.

6. Having proved that there die about 3506. Persons at Paris unnecessarily to the damage of France, we come next to compute the value of the said damage and of the Remedy thereof, as follows, viz. the value of the said 3506 at 60 li. Sterl. per head, being about the value of Argier Slaves, (which is less than the intrinsick value of People at Paris) the whole loss of the Subjects of France in that Hospital seems to be 60 times 3506 li. Sterl. per Annum, viz. 210 thousand 360 li. Sterl. equivalent to about two Millions 524 Thous. 320 French Livers.

7. It hath appeared that there came into L'hostel Dieu at a Medium 25063 per Annum, or 2089 per Mensem, and that the whole stock of what remain'd in the ‖ precedent Months is at a Medium about 2108 (as may appear by the third Line of the Table N° 5, which shall be shortly published)viz. the Medium of Months is 2410 for the sickly year 1679, whereunto 1806, being added as the Medium of Months for the year 1678, makes 4216, the Medium whereof is the 2108 above mentioned; which number being added to the 2089 which entred each Month, makes 4197 for the Number of Sick which are supposed to be always in L'hostel Dieu one time with another.

8. Now if 60 French Livers per Annum for each of the said 4197 sick Persons were added to ‖ the present ordinary Expence of that Hospital (amounting to an addition of 251 Thousand 820 Livers) it seems that so many lives might be saved as are worth above ten times that sum, and this by doing a manifest deed of Charity to Mankind. ‖

Memorandum, That Anno 1685, the Burials of London were 23222, and those of Amsterdam 6245; from whence, and the difference of Air, 'tis probable that the People of London are quadruple to those of Amsterdam .

WINDSOR,
Sep. 21st 1686.
I do hereby License these Obervations to be printed.

Sunderland P.

OBSERVATIONS
UPON THE
CITIES
OF
LONDON
AND
ROME.

By Sir WILLIAM PETTY, Fellow of the Royal Society.

LONDON, Printed for Henry Mortlocke, at the Phœnix, in St. Paul's Church-Yard, and F. Lloyd, in the middle Exchange next Salisbury-House in the Strand. 1687.

OBSERVATIONS
UPON THE
CITIES
OF
LONDON and ROME.

1. THAT before the year 1630, the Christnings at London exceeded the Burials of the same , but about the year 1655 they were scarce half; and now about two thirds . ‖

2. Before the Restauration of Monarchy in England, Anno 1660, the People of Paris were more than those of London and Dublin put together, whereas now, the People of London are more than those of Paris and Rome, or of Paris and Rouen .

3. Anno 1665 one fifth part of the then People of London, or 97 thousand died of the Plague , and in the next year 1666, 13 thousand Houses or one fifth part of all the Housing of London were burnt also.

4. At the Birth of Christ, old Rome was the greatest City of the World, and London the greatest ‖ at the Coronation of King James the Second, and near 6 times as great as the present Rome, wherein are 119 thousand Souls besides Jews .

5. In the years of King Charles the Second his death, and King James the Second his Coronation (which were neither of them remarkable for extraordinary Sickliness or Healthfulness) the Burials did wonderfully agree, viz. Anno 1684, they were 23202, and Anno 1685 they were 23222, the Medium whereof is 23212. And the Christnings did very wonderfully agree also, having been Anno 1684, 14702, and Anno 1685, 14732, the Medium whereof is 14716 , which consistence was ‖ never seen before, the said number of 23212 Burials making the People of London to be 696360, at the rate of one Dying per annum out of 30.

6. Since the great Fire of London, Anno 1666 about 7 parts of 15 of the present vast City hath been new built, and is with its People increased near one half, and become equal to Paris and Rome put together, the one being the Seat of the great French Monarchy, and the other of the Papacy.

FINIS.

WHITE-HALL,

Feb. 18th, 168 . Let this be printed.

Sunderland P.

FIVE ESSAYS
IN
Political Arithmetick,
VIZ.

I. Objections from the City of Rey in Persia, and from MonsrAuzout, against two former Essays, answered, and that London hath as many People as Paris, Rome and Rouen put together.

II. A Comparison between London and Paris in 14 particulars.

III. Proofs that at London, within its 134 Parishes named in the Bills of Mortality, there live about 696 thousand People.

IV. An estimate of the People in London, Paris, Amsterdam, Venice, Rome, Dublin, Bristoll and Rouen, with several observations upon the same.

V. Concerning Holland and the rest of the VII United Provinces.

By Sir WILLIAM PETTY, Fellow of the Royal Society.

Invidiam augendo ulciscar.

LONDON, Printed for Henry Mortlock at the Phœnix in St. Paul's Church-yard. 1687.

NOTE ON THE “FIVE ESSAYS.”

Vendredy au soir.

Ce billet est pour vous supplier Monsieur de ne vouloir pas mettre l'endroit de la lettre de Monsieur Auzout ou il parle de celuy qui luy a dit qu'il n'y a que vingt quatre mil maisons parceque cecileur nuirait a tous deux et on me reprocherait d'estre cause de leur malheur. on est si delicat en france que la moindre chose qu'on trove disadvantageuse au pays chocque les gens ou les rend suspects. il faut mettre qu'on a dit a Monsieur Auzout qu'il n'y avait que vingt quatre mil maisons sans nommer celuy qui luy a dit. Vous en pouuez deuiner la raison. J'attends ce plaisir la de votre bonte et suis Vostre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur

Justel.

For Mr Edmond Halley to be left with Mr Henry Hunt at Gresham College in bishopgatestreet London.

Accordingly no extract from Auzout's letter was published with Petty's three papers.

The Five Essays were published in English and French on opposite pages, each version having its own pagination. The French, here omitted, is a fairly close translation of the English. They were reviewed in Leclerc's Bibliotheque universelle et historique, VIII. Mars, 1688.

TO THE
KING's
Most Excellent MAJESTY.

SIR,

YOur Majesty having graciously accepted my two late Essays, about the Cities and Hospitals of London and Paris, as also my Observations on Rome and Rouen; I do (after six Months waiting for what may be said against my several Doctrines, by the able men of Europe) humbly present Your Majesty with a few other Papers upon the same Subject, to strengthen, explain and enlarge the former; hoping by such real arguments, better to praise and magnifie Your Majesty, than by any other the most specious Words and Elogies that can be imagined by

Your Majesty's
Most humble, loyal
and obedient Subject,

William Petty.

The FIRST ESSAY.

IT could not be expected that an assertion of London's being bigger than Paris and Rouen, or than Paris and Rome put together, and bigger than any City of the World, should scape uncontradicted ; and 'tis also expected, that I (if continuing in the same persuasion) should make some reply to those contradictions. In order whereunto,

I begin with the ingenious Authour of theRepubliq des Lettres , who saith that Rey in Persia is far bigger than London, for that ‖ in the sixth Century of Christianity (I suppose, An. 550 the middle of that Century) it had 15000, or rather 44000 Moschees, or Mahometan Temples; to which I reply, that I hope this Objector is but in jest, for that Mahomet was not born till about the year 570, and had no Moschees till about 50 years after.

In the next place I reply to the excellent Monsr. Auzout Letters from Rome, who is content that London, Westminster and Southwark, may have as many people as Paris and its Suburbs; and but faintly denieth, that all the Housing within the Bills, may have almost as many people as Paris and ‖ Rouen, but saith that several Parishes inserted into these Bills, are distant from, and not contiguous with London, and that Grant so understood it .

To which (as his main if not his onely objection) we answer: 1. That the London Bills appear in Grant's Book, to have been always since the year 1636, as they now are. 2. That about 50 years since, 3 or 4 Parishes, formerly some what distant were joyned by interposed Buildings, to the Bulk of the City, and therefore then inserted into the Bills. 3. That since 50 years, the whole ‖ buildings being more than double; have perfected that Union, so as there is no House within the said Bills, from which one may not call to some other House. 4. All this is confirmed by Authority of the King and City, and the Custome of 50 years . 5. That there are but 3 Parishes under any colour of this Exception, which are scarce part of the whole.

Upon the whole matter, upon sight of Monsr. Auzout's large Letter, dated the 19th of November, from Rome, I made Remarques upon every Paragraph therof; but suppressing it(because it lookt like a War against a worth Person ‖ with whom I intended none, whereas in truth it was but a reconciling explication of some doubts) I have chosen the shorter and softer way of answering Monsieur Auzout as followeth, viz. ‖

Concerning the number of People in London, as also in Paris, Rouen and Rome, Viz.

Which number of 114,284 is probably more People than any other City of France contains. ‖

The SECOND ESSAY.

As for other Comparisons of London with Paris, we farther repeat and enlarge what hath been formerly said upon those matters, as followeth, viz.

1. That 40 per Cent. die out of the Hospitals at Paris where so many die unnecessarily, and scarce of that proportion out of the Hospitals of London, which have been shewn to be better than the best of Paris.

2. That at Paris 81280 Kitchins, are within less than 24000 ‖ Street-dores , which makes less cleanly and convenient way of living than at London.

3. Where the number of Christnings are near unto, or exceed the Burials, the People are poorer, having few Servants and little Equipage.

4. The river of Thames is more pleasant and navigable than the Seyne, and its Waters better and more wholesome; and the Bridge of London, is the most considerable of all Europe.

5. The Shipping and foreign Trade of London is incomparably greater than that at Paris and Rouen. ‖

6. The Lawyers Chambers at London have 2772 Chimnies in them, and are worth 140 thousand Pounds sterling, or 3 millions of French Livers, besides the dwellings of their Families elsewhere.

7. The Air is more wholesome, for that at London scarce 2 of 16 die out of the worst Hospitals, but at Paris above 2 of 15 out of the best. Moreover the Burials of Paris are ⅕ part above and below the Medium, but at London not above , so as the intemperies of the Air at Paris is far greater than at London.

8. The Fuel cheaper, and lies in less room, the Coals being an ‖ wholesome sulphurous bitumen.

9. All the most necessary sorts of Victuals, and of Fish, are cheaper, and Drinks of all sorts in greater variety and plenty.

10. The Churches of London we leave to be judg'd by thinking that nothing at Paris is so great as St. Paul's was, and is like to be, nor so beautifull as Henry the seventh's Chapel.

11. On the other hand, 'tis probable, that there is more Money in Paris than London, if the publick Revenue (grosly speaking, ‖ quadruple to that of England) be lodged there.

12. Paris hath not been for these last 50 years so much infested with the Plague as London; now that at London the Plague (which between the year 1591 and 1666, made 5 returns, viz. every 15 years, at a Medium, and at each time carried away ⅕ of the People) hath not been known for the 21 years last past, and there is a visible way by God's ordinary Blessing to lessen the same by ⅔ when it next appeareth .

13. As to the Ground upon which Paris stands in respect of London, we say, that if there be 5 Stories ‖ or Floors of Housing at Paris, for 4 at London, or in that proportion, then the 82 thousand Families of Paris stand upon the equivalent of 65 thousand London Housteds, and if there be 115 thousand Families at London, and but 82 thousand at Paris, then the proportion of the London Ground to that of Paris is as 115 to 65, or as 23 to 13.

14. Moreover Paris is said to be an Oval of 3 English Miles long and 2½ broad, the Area whereof contains but 5½ square Miles; but London is 7 Miles long, and 1¼ broad at a Medium, which makes an Area of near 9 square Miles, which proportion of 5½ to 9 differs little from that of 13 to 23. ‖

15. Memorandum, That in Nero's time, as Monsr. Chivreau reporteth , there died 300 thousand People of the Plague in Old Rome; Now if there died 3 of 10 then, and there, being a hotter Countrey, as there dies 2 of 10 at London, the number of People at that time, was but a million, whereas at London they are now about 700 thousand. Moreover the Ground within the Walls of Old Rome was a Circle but of 3 Miles diameter, whose Area is about 7 square Miles, and the Suburbs scarce as much more, in all about 13 square Miles, whereas the built Ground at London is about 9 square Miles as ‖ aforesaid; which two sorts of proportions, agree with each other, and consequently Old Rome seems but to have been half as big again as the present London, which we offer to Antiquaries. ‖

The THIRD ESSAY.

PRoofs that the number of People in the 134 Parishes of the London Bills of Mortality, without reference to other Cities, is about 696 thousand, viz.

I know but three ways of finding the same.

1. By the Houses, and Families, and Heads living in each.

2. By the number of Burials in healthfull times, and by the proportion of those that live, to those that die. ‖

3. By the number of those who die of the Plague in Pestilential years, in proportion to those that scape.

The First way.

To know the number of Houses I used three methods, viz.

1. The number of Houses which were burnt Anno 1666, which by authentick Report was 13200; next what proportion the People who dyed out of those Houses, bore to the whole; which I find Anno 1686, to be but part, but Anno 1666 to be almost ⅕, from whence I infer the whole Housing of London ‖ Anno 1666 to have been 66 thousand, then finding the Burials Anno 1666 to be to those of 1686 as 3 to 4, I pitch upon 88 thousand to be the number of Housing Anno 1686.

2. Those who have been employed in making the general Map of London, set forth in the year 1682, told me that in that year, they had found above 84 thousand Houses to be in London, wherefore Anno 1686, or in 4 years more, there might be or 8400 Houses more (London doubling in 40 years) so as the whole, Anno 1686 might be 92400. ‖

3. I found that Anno 1685, there were 29325 Harths in Dublin, and 6400 Houses, and in London 388 thousand Harths, whereby there must have been at that rate 87000 Houses in London. Moreover I found that in Bristol there were in the same year 16752 Harths, and 5307 Houses, and in London 388 thousand Harths as aforesaid; at which rate there must have been 123 thousand Houses in London, and at a Medium between Dublin and Bristol proportions 105 thousand Houses.

Lastly, By Certificate from the Harth-Office, I find the Houses within the Bills of Mortality to be 105,315. ‖

Having thus found the Houses, I proceed next to the number of Families in them, and first I thought that if there were 3 or 4 Families or Kitchins in every House of Paris, there might be 2 Families in of the Housing of London; unto which supposition, the common opinion of several Friends, doth concur with my own conjectures.

As to the number of Heads in each Family, I stick to Grant's observation in page of his fifth Edition, That in Tradesmen of London's Families, there be 8 Heads one with another, in Families of higher Ranks, above 10, ‖ and in the poorest near 5, according to which proportions, I had upon another occasion pitch'd the medium of Heads in all the Families of England to be 6兓, but quitting the Fraction in this Case, I agree with Monsieur Auzout for 6.

To conclude, the Houses of London being 105315, and the addition of double Families 10531 more, in all 115846; I multiplied the same by 6, which produced 695076 for the number of the People.

The Second way.

I found that the years 1684 and 1685, being next each other, and ‖ both healthfull, did wonderfully agree in their Burials, viz. 1684 they were 23202, and Anno 1685 23222, the Medium whereof is 23212; Moreover that the Christnings 1684 were 14,702, and those Anno 1685 were 14730, wherefore I multiplied the Medium of Burials 23212 by 30, supposing that one dies out of 30 at London, which made the number of People 696,360 Souls .

Now to prove that one dies out of 30 at London, or thereabouts, I say,

1. That Grant in the page of his fifth Edition, affirmeth from observation, that 3 died of 88 per ‖ an. which is near the same proportion.

2. I found that out of healthfull places, and out of adult persons, there dies much fewer, as but 1 out of 50 among our Parliament men, and that the Kings of England having reigned 24 years one with another, probably lived above 30 years each.

3. Grant, page hath shewn that but about 1 of 20 die per an. out of young Children under 10 years old, and Monsr. Auzout thinks that but 1 of 40 die at Rome, out of the greater proportion of adult persons there, wherefore we still stick at a Medium to the number 30. ‖

4. In 9 Countrey Parishes lying in several parts of England, I find that but one of 37 hath died per an. or 311 out of 11507, wherefore till I see another round number, grounded upon many observations, nearer than 30, I hope to have done pretty well in multiplying our Burials by 30, to find the number of the People, the product being 696,360, and what we find by the Families they are 695,076, as aforesaid.

The Third way.

It was prov'd by Grant , that ⅕ of the People died of the Plague, but Anno 1665 there died of the ‖ Plague near 98 thousand persons , the Quintuple whereof is 490 thousand, as the number of People in the year 1665, whereunto adding above ⅓, as the increase between 1665 and 1686, the total is 653 thousand, agreeing well enough with the other two Computations above mentioned.

Wherefore let the proportion of 1 to 30 continue till a better be put in its place.

Memorandum, That 2 or 3 hundred new Houses would make a Contiguity of 2 or 3 other great Parishes, with the 134 already mentioned in the Bills of Mortality; and that an oval Wall of about 20 Miles in compass would enclose the ‖ same, and all the Shipping at Deptford and Black-wall, and would also fence in 20 thousand Acres of Land, and lay the foundation or designation of several vast advantages to the Owners, and Inhabitants of that Ground, as also to the whole Nation and Government. ‖

The FOURTH ESSAY

Concerning the proportions of People in the 8 eminent Cities of Christendom undernamed, viz.

1. WE have by the number of Burials in healthfull years, and by the proportion of the living to those who die yearly, as also by the number of Houses and Families within the 134 Parishes, called London, and the estimate of the Heads in each, pitch'd upon the number of People in that City to be at a Medium 695718. ‖

2. We have, by allowing that at Paris above 80 thousand Families (viz. 81280) do live in 23223 Houses, 32 Palaces, and 38 Colleges, or that there are 81,280 Kitchins within less than 24 thousand Street-dores; as also by allowing 30 Heads for every one that died necessarily there; we have pitch'd upon the number of People there at a Medium to be 488055, nor have we restrained them to 300 thousand, by allowing with Monsr. Auzout 6 Heads for each of Morery's 50 thousand Houses or Families.

3. To Amsterdam we allow 187350 Souls, viz. 30 times the number of their Burials, which were 6245 in the year 1685. ‖

4. To Venice we allow 134 thousand Souls, as found there in a special account taken by authority, about 10 years since, when the City abounded with such as returned from Candia, then surrendered to the Turks .

5. To Rome we allow 119 thousand Christians and 6000 Jews, in all 125 thousand Souls, according to an account sent hither of the same by Monsr. Auzout .

6. To Dublin we allow (as to Amsterdam) 30 times its Burials, the Medium whereof for the last 2 years is 2303, viz. 69090 Souls. ‖

7. As to Bristol, we say that if the 6400 Houses of Dublin, give 69,090 People, that the 5307 Houses of Bristol, must give above 56 thousand People; Moreover, if the 29325 Harths of Dublin give 69,090 People, the 16,752 Harths of Bristol, must give about 40 thousand; but the Medium of 56 thousand and 40 thousand is 48 thousand.

8. As for Rouen, we have no help, but Monsr. Auzout's fancy of 80 thousand Souls to be in that City, and the conjecture of knowing Men that Rouen is between the and ⅛ part of Paris, and also that it is by a third bigger than Bristol; By all which, we estimate ‖ (till farther light) that Rouen hath at most but 66 thousand People in it.

Now it may be woundred why we mentioned Rouen at all, having had so little knowledge of it; Whereunto we answer, that we did not think it just to compare London with Paris, as to Shipping and foreign Trade, without adding Rouen thereunto, Rouen being to Paris as that part of London which is below the Bridge, is to what is above it.

All which we heartily submit to the correction of the Curious and ‖ Candid, in the mean time observing according to the Gross numbers undermentioned.

| m.
London | 696
Paris | 488
Amsterdam | 187
Venice | 134
Rome | 125
Dublin | 69
Bristoll | 48
Rouen | 66 ‖

Observations on the said 8 Cities.

| m.
1. That the People of Paris being | 488
2. That the People of Rome being | 125
3. That the People of Rouen being | 66
do make in all but | 679

thousand, or 17 thousand less than the 696 thousand of London alone.

2. That the People of the 2 English Cities and Emporiums, viz. of London 696 thousand, and Bristol 48 thousand, do make 744 thousand, or more than

| m.
In Paris | 488
  In Amsterdam | 187
  In Rouen | 66
   Being in all | 741 ‖

3. That the same 2 English Cities seem equivalent

To Paris, which hath | 488 thous. Souls.
To Rouen | 66
To Lyons | 100
To Thoulose | 90
| ———
   In all | 744

If there be any Errour in these Conjectures concerning these Cities of France, we hope they will be mended by those whom we hear to be now at work upon that matter . ‖

4. That the King of England's 3 Cities, viz.

5. That of the 4 great Emporiums, London, Amsterdam, Venice and Rouen, London alone is near double to the other 3, viz. above 7 to 4.

6. That London (for ought appears) is the greatest and most considerable City of the World, but manifestly the greatest Emporium.

When these Assertions have past the Examen of the Critiques, we shall make another Essay, shewing how to apply those Truths to the Honour and Profit of the King and Kingdom of England . ‖

The FIFTH ESSAY.

Concerning Holland and the rest of the United Provinces.

SInce the close of this Paper, it hath been objected from Holland, That what hath been said of the number of Houses and People in London is not like to be true; for that if it were, then London would be the ⅔ of the whole Province of Holland. To which is answered, That London is the ⅔ of all Holland and more, that Province having not a Million and 44 thousand Inhabitants (whereof 696 m. is the ⅔) nor above 800 ‖ thousand, as we have credibly and often heard; for suppose Amsterdam hath, as we have elsewhere noted 187 thousand, the seven next great Cities at 30 thousand each one with another 210 thousand, the 10 next at 15 thousand each 150 thousand, the 10 smallest at 6 thousand each 60 thousand, in all the 28 walled Cities and Towns of Holland 607 thousand, in the Dorps and Villages 193 thousand, which is about one Head for every 4 Acres of Land; whereas in England there is 8 Acres for every Head, without the Cities and Market Towns.

Now, suppose London having 116 thousand Families, should have 7 Heads in each, the medium between Monsr. Auzout and Grant's ‖ reckonings, the total of the People would be 812 thousand, or if we reckon that there dies one out of 34 (the Medium between 30 and 37 above mentioned ) the total of the People would be 34 times 23212, viz. 789208, the Medium between which number, and the above 812 thousand is 800604, somewhat exceeding 800 thousand, the supposed number of Holland .

Farthermore, I say that upon former searches into the Peopling of the World, I never found that in any Countrey (not in China it self) there was more than one Man to every English Acre of Land (many Territories passing for well peopled, where there is but one Man for ten ‖ such acres) I found by measuring Holland and West-Frizia, alias North-Holland, upon the best Maps, that it contained but as many such Acres as London doth of People, viz. about 696 thousand Acres; I therefore venture to pronounce (till better informed) That the People of London are as many as those of Holland, or at least above ⅔ of the same; which is enough to disable the Objection above mentioned; nor is there any need to strain up London from 696 thousand to 800 thousand, though competent reasons have been given to that purpose, and though the Authour of the excellent Map of London, set forth Anno 1682, reckoned the People thereof (as by the said Map appears) to be 1200 ‖ thousand, even when he thought the Houses of the same to be but 85 thousand.

The worthy person who makes this objection in the same Letter also saith,

1. That the Province of Holland, hath as many People as the other 6 United Provinces together, and as the whole Kingdom of England, and double to the City of Paris and its Suburbs; that is to say, 2 millions of Souls . 2. He says that in London and Amsterdam, and other trading Cities, there are 10 Heads to every Family, and that in Amsterdam there are not 22 thousand Families. 3. He excepteth against the Register alledged by Monsr. Auzout, which ‖ makes 23223 Houses and above 80 thousand Families to be in Paris, as also against the Register alledged by Petty, making 105315 Houses to be in London, with a tenth part of the same to be of Families more than Houses, and probably will except against the Register of 1163 Houses to be in all England, that number giving at 6⅓ Heads to each Family, about 7 millions of People, upon all which we remark as followeth, viz.

1. That if Paris doth contain but 488 thousand Souls, that then all Holland containeth but the double of that number, or 976 thousand, wherefore London containing 696 thousand Souls, hath above ⅔ of all Holland by 46 thousand. ‖

2. If Paris containeth half as many People as there are in all England, it must contain 3 millions and a half of Souls, or above 7 times 488 thousand, and because there do not die 20 thousand per an. out of Paris, there must die but one out of 175, whereas Monsr. Auzout thinks that there dies one out of 25, and there must live 149 Heads in every House of Paris mentioned in the Register, but there must be scarce 2 Heads in every House of England, all which we think fit to be reconsidered.

I must as an English Man take notice of one point more, which is, ‖ that these Assertions do reflect upon the Empire of England, for that it is said, that England hath but 2 millions of Inhabitants, and it might as well have been added, that Scotland and Ireland, with the Islands of Man, Jearsey and Gearnsey have but ⅖ of the same number, or 800 thousand more, or that all the King of England's Subjects in Europe are but 2 millions and 800 thousand Souls, whereas he saith, that the Subjects of the 7 United Provinces are 4 Millions. To which we answer, That the Subjects of the said 7 Provinces, are by this Objectour's own shewing, but the Quadruple of Paris, or 1932 thousand Souls, Paris containing but 488000, as afore hath been prov'd, and we do here affirm that England ‖ hath 7 millions of People, and that Scotland, Ireland, with the Islands of Man, Fearsey and Gearnsey, hath ⅖ of the said number, or 2 millions 800 thousand more, in all 9 millions 800 thousand; whereas by the Objectour's doctrine, if the 7 Provinces have 1932 thousand People, the King of England's Territories should have but of the same number, viz. 1351 thousand whereas we say 9800 thousand, as aforesaid, which difference is so gross as that it deserves to be thus reflected upon.

To conclude, we expect from the concerned Critiques of the World, that they would prove, ‖

1. That Holland and West-Frizia, and the 28 Towns and Cities thereof, hath more People than London alone.

2. That any 3 the best Cities of France, any 2 of all Christendom, or any one of the World, hath the same, or better Housing, and more foreign Trade than London, even in the year that King James the Second came to the Empire thereof.

THE END

A TREATISE OF
IRELAND, 1687.
THE
ELEMENTS OF IRELAND;
AND OF ITS
Religion, Trade & Policy.
By Sir WILLIAM PETTY, Fellow of the
Royal Society.

Ut parêre Greges, Armenta, atque Arva, Colono;

Ut variaelig; Gentes Uniri foeligdere certo

Possint: Edoceo, Ponique Horrentia Martis

Arma. Favete, precor dij qui posuistis et illa!

Surgite jam, Superi! Vastisque incumbite Coelig;ptis!

Ut Populi coëant; Quingentos qui, suprà et, Annos

Discrepuêre? Unum et fiant tua Regna, Jacobe.

[Now first printed from Additional MS, 21,128 in the British Museum.]

NOTE ON THE “TREATISE OF IRELAND.

The Contents of the Treatise as given by the MS. are so confused that a hint as to its essential structure may be acceptable. It propounds “a perpetual peace and settlement of Ireland, with the natural union of both kingdoms and peoples.” The means for effecting this end are explained in nine chapters, together with an appendix containing eight objections, which the author answers seriatim. The first chapter puts forth six propositions, the execution of which would bring about the settlement of Ireland. The feasibility of these propositions Petty undertakes to demonstrate. The second chapter contains, in twenty postulates, the existing “state of the case reduced to terms of number, weight and measure.” In the six following chapters the six propositions of chapter one are taken up in turn, and each is established—to the satisfaction of the author at least—by reference to one or more of the twenty postulates of chapter two. The ninth chapter recapitulates the whole argument. In the MS. this chapter is followed by Another View of the same Matters by the Way of a Dialogue between A and B. In fact, however, the discussion in this Dialogue refers to other matters than those discussed in the Treatise, while the following Objections refer to the Treatise exclusively. The insertion of the Dialogue between the Treatise and the Objections thus breaks the formal continuity of Petty's argument. I have accordingly treated the Dialogue as a separate essay, printing it, as Petty's Contents directs, after the Objections instead of before them.

An Essay in Political Arithmetick concerning Ireland .

Tending to shew

1. The Political Anatomy of that Kingdom.

2. The Commotions and Bruileries, that Happen'd there from Anno 1641, to Anno 1666.

3. The Foreign Trade of that Nation Anno 1685.

4. The Proportion between the English and Irish both in Number and Weight.

5. Several Decays in Ireland between the year 83 & 87.

6. The Waxing and Waning of the King's Revenue there, in the said Five Years, with the Causes thereof.

7. That Estates in Ireland may be Improv'd from Two to Three, with a Perpetual Settlement of the same, and Rooting up all the Causes of Discords, which have infested that Countrey for above 500 Years.

8. That therewith the Revenue of the Church of England, & of particular Landlords, there may be increased from 3 to 4.

9. And the King's Revenue from 4 to 5 without being a sensible Burden to the People; so as the King may have Six millions for every 4th. Year, supposed to be Warr.

10. How Fears and Jealousies concerning Religion, & even the Test, may vanish of themselves.

11. How the King's Subjects may be doubled in 20 Years, & also United.

12. That the King of England's Territories and People may in Weight and Substance be little inferior to those of France, by a safe and sufficient Liberty of Conscience perpetuated.

13. That there may be a real Mare Clausum begun in Ireland; and that the King has a more Natural Right to Sovereignty within the same, than any of his circumjacent Neighbors.

The Contents of a Treatise, concerning Ireland.

1. It propounds a perpetual Settlement of Ireland, with a Natural Improvement and Union of England and Ireland, by Transplanting a Million of People (without Distinction of Parties) out of Ireland into England: Leaving in Ireland onely enough Hands to manage as many Cattle as that Countrey will feed. [Preface, p. 555.]

2. Against which it is Objected, That the Costs and Losses of the said Transplantation, and Cattle Trade, will be 4 Millions of Money. In Answer to which [Preface, p. 555.]

3. The said Grand Proposal is divided into Six Points; and each of them Explain'd. [Chapter I., p. 557.]

4. There are Twenty Assertions and Suppositions, express'd in Terms of Number, Weight and Measure; by which the said Six Points are Discussed. Vizt. [Chapter II., p. 558.]

1. How the People of England and Ireland do now stand mix'd, as to their Proportions between Catholiks and others; and how the same will be, after the above Transplantations: With Motives to all Persons and Parties to comply therewith. [Chapter III., p. 560]

2. That the Lands of England will be better'd by 70 Millions Sterling, or a Third Part. [Chapter IV., p. 563.]

3. That England will gain by Ireland 1500 M L per Ann. and as much as it gaineth by all the World besides. [Chapter V., p. 566.]

4. That the real and personal Estate of Ireland will rise from 2 to 3. [Chapter VI., p. 567.]

5. That the Revenues of the Church of England will rise from 3 to 4; and the King's from 4 to 5: Besides an Addition of 100 m pound per Ann. for extraordinary Church Uses. [Chapter VII., p. 568.]

6. That the Causes of Discord, which have continued in Ireland above 500 Years, arising from the Difference of Names, Births, Extractions, Language, Customes, Habits, and Religion, will all cease and vanish.An Estate shall be so settled, as to be coined into better Money, than that of Gold and Silver. [Chapter VIII., p. 570]

7. A Repetition and Enlargement of the Premisses. [Chapter IX., p. 571.]

Objections.

1. That the said Transplantation is impracticable and Utopian. [p. 574.]

2. The said Cattle-Trade is so likewise. [p. 575.]

3. That Men will comply with neither, altho’ practicable and profitable, out of mere Caprice and Perverseness. [p. 576.]

4. That the Irish will Hate and Scorn the said Transplantation, as the Abolishment of their Nation; which they will not think compensable by all the Advantages abovementioned. [p. 577.]

5. The Protestants of England will be frighted to see the Proportion between Catholicks and themselves, which is now, as 280 to one, shrink to 9 for one. [p. 578.]

6. There wants an indifferent Judicature, or natural Justice, to make the Estates of Ireland, as firm as is propounded. [p. 580.]

7. That these extraordinary Proposals of Transplantation, Cattle, Trade, and Judicature, are unnecessary: For that matters are already so well in Ireland without them. [p. 582.]

Upon which Account the following Particulars are sett down. Vizt.

1. The Difference of the Price of Lands 1687, from what they were, 1683. [p. 582.]

2. The like Difference in Value of Houses, in Cities, Ports and Market-Towns. [p.583.]

3. The like in Cattle of all sorts. [p. 583.]

4. How much the People of Ireland have spent in the Years 1684, 1685, and 1686, in Drinks, and other Superfluities, above the Level of the precedent Years. [p. 583.]

5. The Value of Merchandise exported in the Years 1685, and 1686, without Return. [p. 583.]

6. An Estimate of the Moneys, Plate and other fine Goods and Furniture; which were, in the said 2 Years, conveyed out of Ireland, or other ways withdrawn from Currant Uses. [p. 583.]

7. How much the Catholicks of Ireland have Gained and how much they have Lost, by the Transactions of the said Two Years. [p. 590.]

8. What Effect the said Differences must have upon the Expense of the People, and upon such Branches of the King's Revenue, as depend thereon. [p. 589.]

9. That the Fall of Excise in the Year 1687, is not caused by the present Army's being Irish. [p. 589.]

10. A Computation of the different Values of the English and Irish, as to their Persons, and Personal Estates. [p. 592.]

11. The Causes of some Decays in Ireland, distinctly and respectively charged both upon the English and Irish. [p. 593.]

12. The State of Foreign Trade Anno 1685, with what Share each of both Parties had therein. [p. 594.]

13. The Causes of several Fears and Jealousies in Ireland. [p. 596.]

14. The Fear of Unsettlement of Land-Estates in Ireland may be, that the Acts of Settlement and Explanation were not grounded upon the several Accounts here enumerated. [p. 597.]

15. Several Conclusions drawn from the said Accounts. [p. 598.]

16. That Partiality in Justice is another Cause of Fears, with an exact Account of the Lord Dunsany's Wrongs and Relief. [p. 602.]

The 8th Objection.

[8.] That all the abovesaid Proposals are uncouth, wild, Monstrous, and Chymerical. [p. 603.]

To which is answer'd, that if the said Proposals do not please, because they seem to wast and dispeople Ireland: Another is put, of a quite contrary Nature, in the Room of it; Tending to people not onely Ireland, but all his Majesty's Kingdoms fully, and to double their present Number, within 25 years. [p. 603.]

Memorandum.

That the Grand Judicature and Council above-mentioned, will be of Use not onely to adjudge Controversies as aforesaid, and manage the Transplantation or Increase of People here propounded; but also to perpetuate and improve the Liberty of Conscience lately granted by his Majestie.

Mention of another Essay, to shew that the King of England's Subjects and Territories are little inferior to those of France.

A Series of Matters relating to the Forfeitures of Ireland; with a Dialogue concerning the same. [p. 606.]

TO THE
KING's
Most Excellent MAJESTIE.

When I find out puzling and preplext Matters, that may be brought to Terms of Number, Weight and Measure, and consequently be made demonstrable; And when I find Things of vast and general Concernment, which may be discuss'd in a few Words: I willingly ingage upon such Undertakings, especially when they tend to your Majesty's Glory and Greatness, and the Happiness of your People, being one of them myself, and

Your Majesty's most Faithful
and Obedient Subject

Wm. Petty.

PREFACE.

SOME have Imagined, there being about 1300 Thousand People in Ireland, that to bring a Million of them into England, and to leave the other 300 Thousand for Herdsmen and Dairy-Women behind, and to quit all other Trades in Ireland, but that of Cattle onely, would effect the Settlement, Improvement, and Union, above propounded.

But against this Method there lyes this gross and obvious Objection, vizt. That the Transporting of a Million of People, will cost a Million of Pounds; That the Housing, and other Goods in Ireland, which will be lost hereby, are worth Two Millions more: Nor is it safe to Estimate other Damages and Expenses, consequent to this Undertaking, at less than one Million more; in all at 4 Millions of Expence and Damage. To which Objection there is a Gross Answer: which is, That by Bringing a Million of People into England, where are 7 already, the King's Revenue of Customs, Excise, and Hearths, will rise from 7 to 8, that is, to 200 Thousand Pounds per Ann. more then at present :–which Increase, at 20 Years Purchase, is above 4 Millions, and more than the Loss above-mentioned. Now where the King's Revenue, shall Naturally and Spontaneously increase, it is rationally to be suppos'd, That the People's Wealth may increase 20 Times as much, The Public Revenue being, almost by a Law of Nature, the Part of the People's Expence.

Wherefore suspending any further Answer to the said gross Objection, we proceed to say, That the Transplantation and new Cattle-Trade above-propounded, will produce the Effects hereafter mentioned. (vizt.)

Political Pastimes and Paradoxes: In an Essay concerning a Perpetual Peace and Settlement of Ireland. With the Natural Union of both Kingdoms and Peoples.

CHAP. I.

By this Title we mean the several Points following. (vizt)

1. THat whereas there are in Ireland about 8 Roman Catholicks for one of all other Perswasions , So to order the People of both Nations and Religions, that there may be in England about 8 Non-Catholicks to one Roman Catholick, and 36 Times more Catholicks than at present: Whereas there are now about 280 others for one of them .

2. To enable the People of England and Ireland, to spend, in the several Comforts and Conveniencies of Life, 5 Millions-worth of Commodities per Ann. more than at present: The Value whereof is, at 20 Year's Purchase, One Hundred Millions, As also to raise the present Value of Ireland from 2 to 3.

3. To increase the King's present Revenue of both those Kingdoms, to about ⅕ more than at present, without Increasing any Burthen upon the Subjects: So as the said Revenue may be sufficient for all Ordinary and Extraordinary Occasions, both in Peace and Warr.

4. To increase the Church-Revenues and Emoluments about ¼ more than at present: and so as, besides the present Maintenance of the Legal Clergy, to afford competent Gratifications (if the King please) for such Churchmen and Divines of other Perswasions, as do promote the Peace and Piety of the People.

5. To cut up the Roots of those Evils in Ireland, which by Differences of Births, Extractions, Manners, Languages, Customs, and Religions, have continually wasted the Blood and Treasure of both Nations for above 500 Years; and have made Ireland, for the most Part, a Diminution and a Burthen, not an Advantage, to England.

6. To settle the Names, Bounds, Titles, and Value, of the Lands in Ireland; so as to coin the same into a currant Coin, better than that of Gold and Silver, for any Trade Domestic or Foreign.

CHAP. II.

The State of the Case represented in Terms of Number, Weight, and Measure; and thereby made capable of Demonstrations.(vizt)

1. WE suppose England and Wales to consist of about 36 Millions of Statute Acres and Ireland of about half the same Number.

2. That in England, Wales, Jersey, Guernsey, and the Isle of Man, are 25 Thousand Roman Catholicks, Men, Women, and Children: and 7 Millions and 75 Thousand of all other Perswasions.

3. That in Ireland are 1300 Thousand People; whereof 8 of 9 are Roman Catholicks. (vizt) 145 Thousand Non-Catholicks of all Sorts, and 1155 Thousand Catholicks .

4. That the Rents of the Lands of Ireland, are about 1200 Thousand Pounds per Ann. and those of England about 11 Millions.

5. The Rents in England are worth 20 Year's Purchase, and those of Ireland (Ano. 1687) about 10 Years.

6. That the Territory of Ireland will Breed and Feed 6 Millions of Beeves of 3-years-old apiece; or the Equivalent in other Species of Cattle.

7. That 300 Thousand Herdsmen and Dairy-Women are sufficient to manage the Trade of the said Cattle.

8. That amongst Beeves, or great Cattle, ¼ Part are, or may be, Milch-Cows; and that ⅕ part of the whole may be slaughter'd every Year, without Prejudice to the main Stock.

9. That as many Cattle as Ireland will breed, are worth about 6 Millions of Pounds.

10. That 4000 Men at Sea, 2000 Horse, and 15000 Foot at Land, being the of the 150 Thousand Heardsmen, supposed to be left in Ireland, is a sufficient Guard for that Kingdom, and more proper than what has ever yet bin instituted, and a good Beginning of a real Mare Clausum.

11. That the Expence of the People in Ireland, at a Medium, is 5l. per Head, and in England 6l. 13s. 4d. per Ann.

12. That the Value of all Houses in Ireland, and Goods not fit to be brought into England, or to be used in the Cattle-Trade, is about 2 Millions.

13. That the Maintenance of as many Divines, as are fit for 300 Thousand Heardsmen &c. above mention'd, need not be above 20 Thousand Pounds per Ann. So as a 100 Thousand Pounds per Ann. of the Church Revenues in Ireland, may be brought into England, for Church-Uses.

14. That England never got out of Ireland 200 Thousand Pounds per Ann. nor (till of late) any Revenue at all to the King.

15. That now Ireland will send into England directly, or into Foreign Parts (which at last will terminate in England) at least 1500 Thousand Pounds per Ann.

16. That 20 Shillings may serve, with good Method and Order, to bear Travelling Charges of Men, Women and Children, one with another, from the Middle of Ireland to the Middle of England; being about 120 Miles by Land.

17. That when the Trade of 6 Millions-worth of Cattle is made so Simple, Easy, and Constant, in the Breeding, Feeding, and Vending the same; the Value of the said Stock of Cattle must needs be rais'd thereby to at least ⅙ Part more, and become worth 7 Millions; especially if the Interest of Money shall fall from 3 to 2, or from 10 per Cent. to 6l. 13s. 4d.

18. When there shall be but 300 Thousand Souls in Ireland, and those all Herdsmen and Dairy-Women (whereas there are now 1300 Thousand of higher Quality) the Charge of the Clergy there will not be so great by 100 Thousand Pounds per Ann. as now: It being now about 120 Thousand Pounds per Ann. in Church-Lands, and appropriate Tyths.

19. The Charge of the Civil Government in Ireland, under the Paucity and Simplicity of the People above-mentioned, being but a Kind of Factory, needs be but ⅕ of what it is at present, or about 5000 Thousand £ per Ann. For then the horrible Expence of Law-Suits will be almost abolish'd.

20. The King's Revenue of England is suppos'd to be 1800 Thousand Pounds per Ann. That of Ireland 270 Thousand neat: And that of Scotland 130 Thousand; In all 2 Millions 2 hundred Thousand Pounds.

CHAP. III.

The 6 first mention'd Points are proved out of the 20 Suppositions or Assertions next before-going. (vizt)

AS to the first Point or Advantage: Which is that, granting the Catholicks in Ireland are to all others as 8 to one, or rather as 1157 Thousand to 143 Thousand, the whole People being 1300 Thousand Souls: We say that when a Million are Transported out of Ireland into England, the Proportions now and then are, and will be, as in the Table following. vizt

So as the Non-Catholicks left in Ireland will be as now about of the whole, or ⅛ of the Catholicks; And in England, after the Transportations of a Million, the Catholicks will be 915 Thousand, and the others 7185 Thousand; which differs little from the above-mention'd Proportions in Ireland. And having thus made this great Transplantation in Paper and Conceit, it remains to shew by what Means or Methods the same may be really executed.

I forbear to say that the Conquerors of ancient Times and even now in the Oriental Countreys, do execute their Conquest, by Carrying away Captives into their own Countreys, and not by Maintaining great Armies, in the Conquer'd Countreys, to keep the Conquer'd Party in Subjection, which Overplus of Number and Reputation will doe at home, especially, when the Conquerors have Land enough, to employ all the Hands both of their Conquering and Captive Subjects. Nor do we insist upon an Act of Parliament in Ireland, to force a Million of People to Remove out of their Native Countrey; or an Act of Parliament in England to force them hither: Which may be interpreted, in a Case between Catholicks and others, to be a Breach of the Liberty of Conscience lately granted by his Majestie . Wherefore, we shall rather shew, That it will be the Profit, Pleasure, and Security of both Nations and Religions to Agree herein. In Order whereunto we shall consider the Present Inhabitants of Ireland, not as old Irish, or such as lived there about 516 Years ago, when the English first medled in that Matter; Nor as those that have been added since, and who went into Ireland between the first Invasion and the Change of Religion; Nor as the English who went thither between the said Change, and the Year 1641, or between 1641 and 1660; Much less, into Protestants and Papists, and such who speak English, and such who despise it.

But rather consider them

1° As such as live upon the King's Pay.

2° As owners of Lands and Freeholds.

3° As Tenants and Lessees to the Lands of others.

4° As Workmen and Labourers.

As to the first, the King may command them to Dwell and Reside where he pleases.

As for Land-Owners, the King is able, and it would be his Profit, to buy a great Part of them out, at the present-full-Market-Rate. But without Compulsion. If the propounded Transplantation will raise the Prices from the present 10 Years Purchase or less, to about 20 as in England; And if the possess'd Landlords, not selling their Lands in Ireland, should make more Benefit of the said Lands and Stocks, by putting them under the new Method of Plantation, whilst themselves do withal become Farmers in England, for the Equivalent to their own Estates in Ireland.

As for the Tenants, Farmers, and Lessees now in Ireland, they may well remove into England to be Farmers there, to live in a more cultivated Countrey, and in more Elegant Company, and Variety of Entertainments; and where the Landlords of England shall see Cause to Lett them good Bargains and bid them Welcom.

And as for Labourers, it is manifest they live in Ireland cheaper than in England but by ⅓ Part; whereas their ordinary Wages is near double in England. But how these Tempting Profits shall arise, is the next Point of this Discourse.

CHAP. IV.

How to enable the People of England and Ireland to spend 5 Millions worth of Commodities more than now: And how to raise the present Value of the Lands and Goods of Ireland from 2 to 3.

THis is to be done. 1. By bringing one Million of the present 1300 Thousand of the People out of Ireland into England, tho’ at the Expence of a Million of Money. 2. That the remaining 300 Thousand left behind be all Herdsmen and Dairy-Women, Servants to the Owners of the Lands and Stock Transplanted into England; all aged between 16 and 60 Years, and to quit all other Trades, but that of Cattle, and to import nothing but Salt and Tobacco. Neglecting all Housing, but what is fittest for these 300 Thousand People, and this Trade, tho’ to the Loss of 2 Millions-worth of Houses. Now if a Million of People be worth 70l. per Head one with another, the whole are worth 70 Millions; then the sd People, reckon'd as Money at 5 per Cent. Interest, will yield 3 Millions and a half per Ann. (3.) And if Ireland send into England 1 Million and a half worth of Effects (receiving nothing back) Then England will be enriched from Ireland, and otherwise, 5 Millions per Ann. more than now: Which, at 20 Year's Purchase, is worth one Hundred Millions of Pounds Sterling, as was propounded. Now to prove the People thus Transplanted worth 70l. per Head: I say first, That the present Rents of all the Lands of Ireland doth not exceed 1200 Thousand Pounds per Ann. Nor does it appear, by the Civil Survey of Ireland, to have been even so much before the Commotions Anno 1641. Moreover the Value of all the Stock of Ireland exceeds not 6 Millions; the Interest whereof, at 10 per Cent. is 600 Thousand Pounds, and the Rent of the Housing to be neglected, not above 200 Thousand Pounds per Ann. in all 2 Millions. The Expence of 1300 Thousand People (at 5l. per Head per Ann. one with another) is 6 ½ Millions: Out of which deducting the said 2 Millions for the Lands, Housing and Stock, the Remainder is 4½ Millions: Which, at 20 Year's Purchase is worth 90 Millions, each Head must be worth very near 70 Pounds .

An ordinary Artisan earns 20d. per Diem, or 26l. per Ann. and may live very well upon 12l. and save 14l. per Ann. Which, at 10 Year's Purchase for a Life, makes 140l. the Double of 70l., the Medium between & 140.

If the Rents of the Lands of England and Wales be 11 Millions, when the People are bucv t 7 Millions, then the Addition of another Million will make the Rents Part more than now, and the Number of Year's Purchase will be more also: So as the Land will rise from 7 Times 7 (which is 49) to 8 Times 8 (which is 64) or from about 3 to 4, by Adding a Million of Hands: And consequently if the Lands of England be worth 11 Millions per Ann. they are, at 20 Year's Purchase, worth 220 Millions now: And being improved in the Proportion of 49 to 64, or from 3 to 4, they will be worth 73 Millions more than now, answerable to the value of Additional Hands afore-mentioned.

4. Nor is it difficult to believe, That People, who may live in England upon 6l. 13s. 4d. per Ann. may earn so much, and 3l. 10s. 0d. more per Ann. At which Rate a Million of People make 3½ Millions of Superlucration per Ann.

As to the next Point, that Ireland may send into England 1½ Millions worth of Commodities, receiving nothing back: I say that if Ireland be Stock'd with 6 Millions of Great Cattle or Beeves, That ¼ of them or 1500 Thousand, being Milch-Cows, will yield Butter and Cheese worth 24 shill. per Ann. apiece In all 1800 Thousand Pounds. And that ⅕ of them be Yearly Slaughter'd at 30s. per Head will make 1800 Thousand Pounds more. In all 3600 Thousand Pounds: Of which Summ 2000 Thousand Pounds must be spent in Ireland, to maintain 300 Thousand Heardsmen and Dairy-Women , and 100 Thousand Pounds to maintain the Forces, Clergy and Civil Government. The rest (being 1500 Thousand Pounds) may be sent either directly into England; or into Foreign Parts, at length to be also return'd thither.

The last Point of this Chapter is to shew, how the present Value of Ireland shall, by this new Oeconomy, rise in Value from 2 to 3. To which I say, That if the Rents be under 1200 Thousand Pounds per Ann. and Lands, in the Year 1687, not worth 10 Year's Purchase,

then the Value of Lands is scarce | 12 Millions.
The Value of Stock as aforesaid | 6 Millions.

In all
20 Millions.

And we say that upon that Settlement and Union of People by this new-inexpensive Government and Simplicity of Trade, the Lands of Ireland will be worth 20 Year's purchase, as well as in England and Scotland: And consequently 24 Millions, and the Stock liable before to Distress and other Disturbances, Law-Suits, and Thefts, will rise at least from 6 to 7

7

24

In all to 31 Millions.

And out of 31 Millions deducting one Million for the Charge of Transplanting a Million of Heads; the Remainder will be 30 Millions, which now is but 20.

CHAP. V.

That the King's Revenue in England and in Ireland, supposed to be 2070 Thousand Pounds, will be increased to above ⅕ Part more (vizt) to above 414 Thousand Pounds; and even to 450 Thousand Pounds: So as to be in all 2520 Thousand Pounds.

FOr if in England the Duties of Excise, Customs, and Hearths be above 1400 Pounds; then by the Addition of one Million of People to the 7 which are already, the said 1400 Thousand Pounds, must be above 1600 Thousand Pounds, or 200 Thousand Pounds more than at present.

Moreover if the Produce of 1500 Thousand Milch-Cows, at 24 Shillings each, be 1800 Thousand Pounds, and of the 1200 Thousand Slaughter'd Beeves, be 1800 Thousand Pounds more, in all 3600 Thousand Pounds, Out of which 2 Millions of Pounds are to be pay'd as Wages to the 300 Thousand Servants, and 80 Thousand Pounds to the Land-Forces and Civil Government of Ireland, and 20 Thousand Pounds to the Clergy; in all 2100 Thousand Pounds, then the Remainder sent into England will be 1500 Thousand Pounds: Which added to the 3½ Millions arising from the Improvement of the Land in England (as aforesaid) will make the whole to be 5 Millions; the Part thereof is 250 Thousand Pounds: Which, with the 200 Thousand Pounds Increase from the Customs, Excise, and Hearths, makes up the 450 Thousand Pounds above-mentioned. I here add that if, by the like Transplantation out of the High-Lands in Scotland, into the Low-Lands of the same, or into England, the 130 Thousand present Revenue of Scotland should increase ⅕ Part, and become 156 Thousand Pounds : So the Revenue of the 3 Kingdoms would be 2676 Thousand Pounds.

Now if the Charge of England could be defray'd for 1300 Thousand Pounds per Ann. in Times of Peace, and that of Ireland with 200 Thousand Pounds, and that of Scotland with 68 Thousand Pounds (the ⅓ of Ireland) in all with 1568 Thousand Pounds per Ann. the Overplus would be 1108 Thousand Pounds. Now for as much as in England there has not been found, for these many years, more than one Year of Warr to 3 of Peace, the said Overplus of 1108 Thousand Pounds for three Years of Peace would be 3324 Thousand Pounds: Which added to the Yearly Revenue of 2676 Thousand Pounds will make a Stock of 6 Millions for the Year of Warr: Which is thrice as much as has been spent in any late Year of Warr, and consequently sufficient for all Uses in View. We further say that because the King's Revenue in Ireland is at present 270 Thousand Pounds neat; and because but 80 Thousand Pounds thereof is by this New Model to be spent in Ireland; It follows that 190 Thousand Pounds more must be paid him in England out of the 1500 Thousand Pounds above-mentioned to be sent thither.

And moreover because the Church-Benefices of Ireland are 120 Thousand Pounds per Ann. whereof onely 20 Thousand Pounds, by this new Model, is to be spent by the Clergy in Ireland; It follows that the remaining 100 Thousand Pounds be transferred to Church Uses in England: And consequently when 290 Thousand Pounds of 1500 Thousand Pounds shall be paid to the King and Church, there will remain 1210 Thousand Pounds payable to the Owners of Irish Lands and Stock, who live in England.

CHAP. VI.

IF the Charge of the Clergy in Ireland be now 120 Thousand Pounds per Ann. and after the Transplantation no more than 20 Thousand Pounds, then there will be 100 Thousand Pounds per Ann. overplus; which will afford 100l. per Ann. to 1000 Divines dissenting from the Authoriz'd Religion, whose Business may be, to keep Peace among their Flocks, and dispose them to Obedience towards their Sovereign.

Lastly, if the Lands of all England increase from 49 to 64, or from 3 to 4, those of the Church will do the same also.

CHAP. VII.

How to take away all the Evils arising from Differences of Births, Extractions, Languages, Manners, Customs, Religion, and Laws, and Pretence whatsoever.

1. THere is no Person or Party in Ireland, of what religion soever, who denies the King of England to be King of Ireland also.

2. Whereas there are Disputes concerning the Superiority of Parliament; now there will need no Parliament in Ireland to make Laws among the Cow-Herds and Dairy-Women: Nor indeed will there be any Peers, or Free-holders, at all in Ireland, whereof to make a Parliament.

3. There will be little Pomp or Expence in the Chief Governor &c. the onely Business being to regulate the simple Cattle Trade to the best common Advantage.

4. The Courts of Judicature may be much abated, for that there will be little or no Variety of Cases or Actions.

5. The Officers of Ports will need onely to keep an Account of Exportation, where there are no Importations, or very little or simple.

6. The Work of the Clergy will require little intricate Learning or School-Divinity.

7. The 267 Thousand Catholicks may be such as can all speak English, and who will take English Names.

8. The Lands upon the down-Survey, may also have English Names put upon them.

9. The Transplanters into England may do the same.

10. The 300 Thousand left in Ireland are all Servants to those who live in England, having no Property of their own, in Land or Stock.

11. Money need be but little and that Local.

12. Cloths may be uniform, and withal equal, and also most commodious for the People's Employments.

13. The Catholic Priests may be English-men.

14. The 15000 militia Men being of the whole Number of Men, may serve by Turns as Soldiers every tenth Year.

15. The 4000 Men at Sea in 40 small Ships are enough to begirt Ireland, or to keep a Guard between the North of Ireland and Scotland: as also between Scilly and Kingsale, as the beginning of a real Mare Clausum .

16. The Lands may be valu'd according to the annual Increase of Flesh produceable from the same, restraining and reducing all other Respects to that one.

17. Controversies concerning Estates in Ireland, may be determined in England, where the Pretenders are now to Live.

18. Whereas it may be offensive to make Estimates of the Number of Men slain in Ireland for the last 516 Years; and of the Value of the Money and Provisions, sent out of England thither; Of the Charge of the last Warr begun Anno 1641; The Value of the Wasting and Dispeopling the Countrey, Charges at Law for the last 30 Years &c. We say that the same may be all spared, Since all may be probably remedied and forgotten by the Means and Methods above-mentioned.

CHAP. VIII.

How the Names, Bounds, Titles, and Values, of Lands may be settled and ascertained; with Remedy of the Miscarriages, which have happened in the 35 Years last past in the Disposures of them.

1. LEt the down-Survey be finished according to the Clause in the 73d. Page of the Explanatory Act, and a certain Number of Denominations be pitched upon to be onely used in Public Instruments and Conveyances; and let the Spellings of each be also ascertained and published, and withal to every Surround upon the Plotts and down-Survey be added an English Name.

2. Let all controverted Bounds, be perambulated by the Persons concern'd, and the Determination of them be described by the Chain and Needle.

3. Let all remaining Wrangles about the title be determined in England by indifferent Persons, without respect to Nation and Religion, and then well and clearly registred.

4. Let the Value of each Denomination be expressed by the Increase of Flesh producible from the same at a Medium of 7 Years, reducing all other Qualities into that onely.

5. Let the Number of Years Purchase be determined by the common Voice of both Nations, to be renewed every 7 Years.

6. And let there be a Registry of all these Matters and of all Alienations from Hand to Hand.

Memorandum. That it may, as an Objection, be asked, Why a Million of People might not rather be sent out of England into Ireland, to raise the Number in Ireland from 4 to 7, and reduce that of England from 7 to 6. I answer, No.

For the Value of Lands in England being 220 Millions, the Taking away one Million of it's 7 Millions of Inhabitants would lessen it's Value from 49 to 36, or from 4 to 3 to the Loss of 55 Millions. And the Value of the Lands of Ireland being but 12 Millions, the Increase of its Inhabitants would but raise it's Value from 16 to 49 or from 1 to 3, and make it rise from 12 to 36 Millions, to the Gain of 24 Millions for Ireland, & ye Loss of 55 from England.

Whereas the Transplantation of a Million into England gains 100 Millions in Common to England and Ireland, and 10 Millions in special to Ireland, besides many other Benefits to both Nations, which do not fall under the Computation of Numbers. From hence may be drawn a General Rule to compute the Profits or Loss of Sending People, out of England or Ireland, to the American Colonies, and indeed from any City or Countrey to another, whose Value and People are known.

CHAP. IX.

A Repetition and Enlargement of what has been here said.

1. THat the Present Number of Roman Catholicks in England may be increased from 25 Thousand to 915 Thousand, or from one to above 36, without forcing any Man's Conscience.

2. That the People of England and Ireland may gain 3½ Millions per Ann. out of the Earth and Sea, and from Foreign Nations; and that England may get from Ireland 1½ Million more: In all 5 Millions per Ann. by this Atchievment.

3. That the King's Revenue in England and Ireland may be advanced from 2070 Thousand Pounds to 2520 Thousand Pounds: And by Addition of 156 Thousand Pounds per Ann. from Scotland to 2676 Thousand Pounds in all.

4. That the Charge of the Whole Government in Time of Peace may be possibly defrayed for 1568 Thousand Pounds, Leaving an Overplus of 1108 Thousand Pounds per Ann.

5. That there being 3 Years of Peace in these Nations for one of Warr, the said 3 Years Overplus will be 3324 Thousand Pounds; which, added to 2676 Thousand Pounds, will make a Bank of 6 Millions Pounds for the one Year of War.

6. That the said 2676 Thousand Pounds per Ann. will not be the Part of the Expence of the Nation; and therefore so far from being intolerable, that it will scarce be a sensible Burthen.

7. That what was said of Bringing a Million of People into England out of Ireland, and Leaving 300 Thousand Heardsmen &c. behind; may be apply'd to Scotland, by bringing 300 Thousand People out of the High-Lands into the Low-Lands or England, and leaving 100 Thousand Herdsmen behind in the High-Lands, or Northermost Third Part of that Countrey.

8. Upon this Transplantation, join'd with the former, the People inhabiting in England and Wales, and the Low-Lands of Scotland, will be 9300 Thousand; And their Expence, at 6l. 13s. 4d. per Head will be 62 Millions per Ann. the Part whereof is above 3 Millions per Ann. and much above the 2676 Thousand Pounds above-mentioned for the Public Revenue.

9. When the whole People shall be 9300 Thousand, as above-said, the English, Scotch, and Irish, Catholicks, living among them, will be near 920 Thousand, or near of the whole, whilst in the High-Lands of Scotland there may be no Catholicks at all, keeping 267 Thousand in Ireland.

10. The above-mentioned Provision of 6 Millions for a Year of Warr will maintain triple the greatest Land-Army and Sea-Fleet, that have (at any Time) been seen in or about England, with all the Civil Charges beside.

11. There will be, in this new Kingdom of 9300 Thousand Inhabitants about 2300 Thousand Males naturally able to bear Arms, of which the Part, or 230 Thousand may be spared and supported for the Purpose, being enough for the greatest Extremity in view.

12. The Church-Lands and Tyths in England will by this Transplantation improve, as all other Lands, from 49 to 64, or from 3 to 4: Besides the Addition of 100 Thousand Pounds per Ann. to be transferred from the Church of Ireland to that of England for extraordinary Uses.

13. Of the 200 Thousand Pounds per Ann. allotted for the Guard of Ireland 120 Thousand Pounds is intended for 4000 Seamen in 40 small Ships sufficient to begirt Ireland; and to guard 2 Lines: The one between the North of Ireland and Scotland, the other between Kingsale and Silly, Which, with two Lines more, the one from Ushent in France to Silly, and the other from the North of Scotland to Norway, will make a real Mare Clausum never yet described.

14. It follows from the Premisses, That it is not the Interest of England to seek more Territory, nor to send Auxiliary Men to their Allies, worth (being all able bodied Men) about 100l. per Head: Few such having been observ'd to come back when once sent out.

15. Consequently England may still think of being Sovereign within a Mare Clausum, the Profit and Loss whereof is handled elsewhere .

16. The Lands of Ireland, by ascertaining their Names, Bounds, Titles, and Values, and by the Simplicity of Trade here propounded, will be made a better Material for Money than Gold and Silver, as far less subject to Abuses; as also Usury will be thereby lessened.

17. The Manners, Habits, Language, and Customs of the Irish (without Prejudice to Religion) will be transmuted into English, within less than an Age, and all Old Animosities forgotten.

18. The insnaring Questions, between England and Ireland, about the Supremacy of Parliament; the Multitude of Law-Suits; the Vexations about Levying the King's Revenue; the Irregularities of Coins, and the Want of the same for Trade, will all, or the most part, cease and be abolished.

19. Where 5 Millions of Profit rises (as is here propounded) from the Earth and Sea, the consequent or concomitant Profit arising from the Labors of the People is (Generally speaking) Triple to the same, and should in this case be 15 Millions more.

But where Land is cheap, the Rent is scarce ⅕ and the Labor is above ⅗. Wherefore we say in Ireland the Expence of the People is 6500 Thousand Pounds, the Rent of Land almost ⅕ of the same, or 1200 Thousand Pounds: The Labor of the People to the said Rent as 7 to 2, or 4200 Thousand Pounds. And the rest, being 1100 Thousand Pounds, for the Interest of the Stock of all sorts.

And in England the Expence of the People is 47 Millions, the Rent of the Land 11 Millions; the Labor of the People to the said Lands as 5 to 2, or 27½ Millions of the whole: And the remaining 8½ Millions, is for the Interest of the Stock or Personal Estates. So as when England shall gain Part of 11 Millions by the Rent of Land, it shall gain of the same Summ by the Labor of the People, vizt. about 3 Millions and 920 Thousand Pounds per Annum.

An Appendix of Objections to this Essay, with Answers to the Same.

First that the Transplantation of a Million of People is Impracticable and Utopian.

Answer.

1st. It has been already said that the Charges thereof needs not to exceed 20 Shillings per head at a Medium between Poor and Rich, Great and Small; and from the Middle of Ireland to the Middle of England supposed to be 120 Miles of Land in Distance.

2. Forty small Vessels of about Sixty Tuns each (which are easily had) will perform this whole Work in Five Year's Time.

3. The Freight per head need not exceed Two Shillings, and the Travelling Charges by Land at one Penny per Mile needs not be above Ten Shillings, Leaving Eight Shillings for Extraordinaries.

4. There will be found Undertakers enough, to regulate this Matter, and bring the Charges thereof to a Certainty, which may amount to 200 Thousand Pounds per Ann. to be advanced for Five Years out of the Public Revenue, and reimbursed, as shall elsewhere be shewn.

The second Objection, That the Cattle-Trade above-propounded is also impracticable.

Answer.

1. The Lands and Cattle are the same as now, wanting onely a new Application to each other.

2. A Council of Fitting Persons must make this Application, by Pitching the Number of each Species of Cattle, for every Sort of Land within the whole Territory of Ireland.

3. The same may pitch the Number of Cow-Herds, Shepherds, Dairy-Women, Slaughter Men and others, which are fit and sufficient to manage the Trade of exported Cattle dead or alive, of Hydes, Tallow, Butter and Cheese, Wool and Sea-Fish &c.

4. To appoint the Foreign Markets and Ports where each Commodity is to be shipped and sold, to provide Shipping and to keep Account of the Exportation above-mentioned, and of the imported Salt, Tobacco, with a few other Necessarys.

5. When the whole Number, to be left in Ireland, is adjusted, then to pitch how many of them shall be English, or such as can speak English, and how many Irish, how many Catholiques and how many others, without any other respect, than the Management of this Trade, for the common Good of all the Owners of these Lands, and it's Stock indifferently.

6. Forasmuch as it is intended to allow each Servant to this Trade 20 Nobles per Ann. out of the Grand Commodities aforenamed, It is also intended to allow them Land for Corn and Gardenage with River-Fishing, Wild-Fowl and Hunting.

7. To keep up Part of the neglected Houses, till England be fully Peopled with 12 Millions (vizt) at 3 Acres per head.

8. To appoint the Foot-Militia and Horse-Guards.

9. To carry away the Young Children and superannuated Persons.

The 3d Objection, That Men will not conform to this Change, tho’ tending to the General, and their own Particular, Good, out of a mere Caprice and Perverseness.

Answer.

[1.] If the Owners of Ireland may hereby raise their Concernments from 2 to 3 in Value, If the Landlords of England may hereby increase the Worth of their Lands from 3 to 4, And if the King may advance his Revenue from 4 to 5; and that the Church may receive a Supplyment out of Ireland of 100 Thousand Pounds per Ann. I suppose that particular Men will not long persist in their Perverseness and Humor; Or (if they do) that a Parliament of England, may cure this Evil, in both Kingdoms, as kind Parents may correct the Children whom they Love.

2. And when such a Law is made, it is possible within Six Months to give a List of all the Terr-Tenants in Ireland, who are to be removed, and of the lands they hold; with the Yearly Value thereof. And within Six Months more, to make a Particular of the Lands in England, by the Names, Quantity, Situations, and Values, correspondent to the said Tenures and Occupancies in Ireland, if men shall humorously refuse to agree otherwise.

3. It hath been already said, that besides the Advantages abovementioned, the Inhabitants of England shall receive one Million and a half per Ann. out of Ireland, above what hitherto they have done: Which is more than England gains by Foreign Trade from all the rest of the World.

4. I further add that the Million of Transplantees out of Ireland, will after their having been Seven Years in England, become worth above 30l. per head more than at present, in all 30 Millions.

Memorandum, That this Proposal inferrs no Forcing any Irish Proprietors to sell their Estate in Ireland, but encourages the King to buy of them, who are voluntarily pleased to sell at the present Market-Rate.

It is also to be noted, That as the Method here propounded shall make the Value of Ireland to rise from 2 to 3 above what the same was worth Anno 1684. So the late Changes, which we hope are repairable , have made the same fall from 3 to 2, and consequently the Difference between the present Proposal and the present Practice, will be as 9 to 4.

The fourth Objection, that this Transplantation and Change of Trade amounts to an Abolishment of the Irish Nation: Which will be Odious to them, and not compensable by all the Benefits abovementioned.

Answer

1. That this Proposal was intended for an Union of the two Nations, which is a real Blessing to both, according to that of Faciam eos in Gentem Unam : Whereas the Curse of a Civil Warr is, to divide one intire Nation into two Nations: As the Irish Commotions Anno 1641 actually did. Now if the two Nations be brought into one, the Name of the lesser Nation must needs be abolished, whilst the Thing and Substance is exalted. For

1. In this Case the Irish Names of Lands and Men are lay'd down, and English taken up in their Rooms.

2. The Cabineers of Ireland, which are Ten to One of all the others, will be removed out of their wretched Beastlike habitations; unfit for making Merchantable Butter and Cheese, and the Manufacture of Wool and Linnen out of the best Materials.

3. They will be set upon more pleasant and profitable Imployments in England.

4. They will be entertained there with greater Variety of agreeable Objects and Exercises.

5. They will be nearer the King, who hath a Kindness for them, with full Liberty of Conscience.

6. They will be safe from any Re-Conquest, which may be fatal to them.

7. They will be ingrafted and incorporated into a Nation more Rich, Populous, Splendid, and Renowned than themselves, for Letters, Arms, and other Atchievements.

8. This Transplantation will make the People of Ireland to be a real Addition (whereas they had been hitherto a Diminution and Counterpoize) to the Power of England, and for above 500 Years a vast Expence of it's Blood and Treasure.

The 5th Objection, That Changing the present Proportions between Catholicks and others in England (now 280 for one) to that of Nine for One, will be very formidable to the Protestants of England, and apt to create dangerous Fears and Jealousies in them.

Answer

1. Altho’ I never intended to complicate Religion with the Matters of this Essay, yet I may intimate that, by the late Changes in Ireland, of the Government, Army, Judicatures, Sherriffs, Jurys, and by bringing together and concentrating all the Catholick Powers; and by Publishing a Design of making the Catholicks there as considerable in their Wealths, as in their Numbers ; which has caused the Price of Lands and houses and Cattle so to fall, and the English Artizans and Money so to diminish, As that the whole of Ireland, in this Year 1687, is fallen from 3 to 2 of what the same was worth Anno 1683, and will probably cause a Fall in his Majesty's Revenue from about 7 to 6. I say, I might intimate from the Premisses that some Remedy is necessary.

2. Moreover the imagined Benefit of making Ireland an Asylum , by the present Method, for all the King's Catholic Subjects, in case of an angry-Heterodox Successor to the Crown, is not comparable to the Danger of Ireland's Revolt and Reconquest.

Lastly, Whether the present united State of Catholicks in Ireland will make more Catholicks in his Majesty's whole Dominions, than the Transplantation here propounded, I know not, seeing no manifest cogent Reasons for either Opinion. Onely it is certain it will make Six and Thirty Times more Catholicks in England, than now there are, but not one more in the whole.

Wherefore if what concerns Religion be doubtful, let the same be left to God, whose peculiar Work it is; and let what is Obvious and Certain concerning the Wealth, Strength, Splendor, and Honor, of both Nations be consider'd according to Sense and Reason, to which God has left these Matters.

Memorandum, That what was said in the above-Essay concerning Transplantation in Scotland , ought to have been thus (vizt.).

Suppose Scotland to contain as many Acres and People as Ireland; we may suppose that in the Northermost Third Part or Six Millions of Scotland there dwells 400 Thousand of the whole 1300 Thousand People. Of which 400 Thousand we suppose 300 Thousand to be transplanted into the Low-Lands, or rather into England; leaving 100 Thousand behind for the Cattle-Trade. So as there will be 7 Thousand 100 Thousands, and a Thousand Thousand, and 300 Thousand in England and Wales, and 900 Thousand in the Low-Lands of Scotland; Making in all 9 Millions and 300 Thousand heads to Live upon the whole 48 Millions of Acres, which may be called Great England; Leaving 100 Thousand, as aforesaid, upon the Northermost Third, which may be called Little Scotland besides 300000 upon the 18 Millions of Ireland, as aforesaid. The Consideration of all which may be placed to the Accounts of Political Pastimes and Recreations, according to the first Title of this Essay.

The Sixth Objection. In the Title of this Essay, Mention was made of Settlement in Ireland, I suppose that Settlement of Estates and Title of Land was thereby intended, which (I am affraid) is not yet perfect. Forasmuch as there is great Complaint made against the gross Partialities in the Act of 17° Car. Imi. In the Acts of Settlement A° 1652. In the Acts of Satisfaction made A° 1653. In two other Acts made A° 1656. In the Proceedings in the Court of Athlone and Loghreagh . In several Courts for Protestant's Claims before the King's Restauration. In the Acts of Settlement made since Anno 1662, and executed Anno 1663. In the Courts of Innocence. In the Acts of Explanation made A° 1665, and executed in the Years 1666, 1667, and 1668. In the Proceedings upon the Commission for Moderating of Quit-Rents A° 1676. In Settling the Transplantees of Connaught and Clare A° 1677. In the Court of Grace A° 1684. And most of all, in the Proceedings of the Judges, Sherifs and Juries, A° 1687. I say, no great Matter has been offered in this Essay for remedy of the Evils contained in the Acts and Proceedings last mentioned. Which Remedies, I suppose, were mean't by the Word Settlement.

Answer.

1. We have supposed, That when the Catholicks and Proprietors of Ireland, as also the high-Landers of Scotland, are Transplanted into England, Wales, and the Low-Lands of Scotland containing 48 Millions of Acres, and 9 Millions 300 Thousand People: Among which are all the Catholicks of the Three Kingdoms.

2. We further Suppose, That whereas there are now about 12 Thousand Parishes in the said 48 Millions of Acres, That by Dividing as many of the greater Parishes as are necessary, there may be made just 15 Thousand Parishes or Parochial Divisions; and that the Males of 21 Year's old within every such Division, do choose an Elector for the Great Councel hereafter mentioned. And that the said 15 Thousand Electors, by 500 Assemblies of 30 Electors in each, do choose 500 Members for the General and Ultimate Judicature concerning Estates in Ireland.

3. And Lastly We suppose, That out of the said 500 Members, Juries may be chosen by Lott for the Consummation of this Work by Lott; that is to say, by God, it being hard to conceive any Authority more equal, impartial, and indifferent, than the said Juries, so chosen by God, by the King, and the whole People of all the Three Nations.

There be several other Instruments and Expedients to correct and perfect the present Settlement in Ireland; whereof I insert this one, to be wholly administred by the Catholic Party. (vizt)

There may be a Court erected by Act of Parliament, consisting of five of the most Ancient, Substantial, Upright and Experienc'd Catholic Gentlemen of Ireland, for the Ends following. (vizt.).

1. To find out what Lands any Catholic Restoree holds as his own, and rightfully derives from his Ancestors, as to their Propriety the 23d of October 1641, which in Truth was not so?

2. What Lands any of the Catholic Restorees have gotten by vicious and forg'd Deeds, altho’ the Lands were their own or their Ancestors, in the Year 1641?

3. What Person, adjudged Innocent by the Court of Claims A° 1663, were more nocent, than those which the said Court did judge to be nocent?

4. What Persons, adjudged nocent, were more innocent, than those whom the said Court did judge to be innocent?

5. What Persons restored by Proviso ex mero Motu , or as Nominees or Letterees, did less deserve the same, than some of those who were never restored at all?

6. What Persons never restored, do deserve to have some Parts of their Estates, under two Thirds; and what Parts?

7. What meritorious Persons should be restored to their former Estates, in specie, or to the Equivalent, out of the Stock according to the Proportions that shall be respectively allow'd them?

8. That they consider what Catholicks have gotten Grants of other Catholic Estates?

9. That all Restorees, how innocent and worthy soever, may retrench Thirds as the Adventurers did.

10. That out of the Premisses there may be made a Common Stock for Remedys and Gratifications in the several Cases abovementioned, and for Reprizing of such Protestant Patentees as have been, or shall be, ejected.

11. That an accurate Valuation be made of all Lands in order to this Work.

12. That no Lands be disposed of out of this Stock, till the Court abovementioned have first stated what every Restoree or Removee is to have.

The Seventh Objection. What needs the Monstrous Plantation, the Innovation of Trade, and the General Judicature abovementioned, since Things are so well already in Ireland? And since almost all the Offices and Arms are already (and the Legislature itself may shortly be) in those onely who are of the King's Religion?

Answer

We have set forth the Benefits, which may arise from the Transplantation, Trade, and Judicature abovementioned: We come next, to set forth the Difference between Ireland, as it is in this present Year 1687, from what the same was in the Year 1683. In some of the principal Points undermentioned. (vizt)

1. The Rents of all the Lands in Ireland A° 1687 , were worth 1200 Thousand Pounds per Annum, and 12 Year's Purchase, at a Medium between Lands near great Cities and Places of Trade, and the obscure thin-peopled Parts of the Nation: So as the whole Land of Ireland was then worth about 14 Millions 400 Thousand Pounds. But it is Generally believed that the Lands, which then might have been Lett for 3s. 6d. per Acre, and sold for 14 Year's Purchase (vizt for 49s. the Acre) will scarce in this Year 1687 yield 2s. 6d. per Acre, nor sell for above 10 Year's Purchase, vizt. 25s. the Acre or little above for half 49s. From whence we may think that the Lands, which A° 1683 were worth 14 Millions 400 Thousand Pounds, are now fallen 7 Millions thereof.

2. The Housing of Ireland having above one Chimney in each (for the rest we reckon not) have been estimated at 2 Millions; and it is too manifest that the Housing of Dublin are less worth now by one Tenth Part (some will say a Fifth) than they were A° 1683. Wherefore we estimate the whole Housing of Ireland to be fallen 200 Thousand Pounds.

3. All the Cattle of Ireland have been estimated at 5 Millions A° 1683, which in this Year 1687 will not yield above 3 Millions in the Market.

4. The Money, Plate, Jewels, and Fine Furniture, which has been these last Two Years conveyed out of Ireland, or otherwise withdrawn from currant Uses, seems by a numerous Collection of Observations and Relations to be about ⅓ Part of the Whole, or about 160 Thousand Pounds.

5. The Value of Beer, Ale, Wine and other Drinks, which have been spent in the Years 1684, 1685, and 1686, above the Level of other Years, seems to be about 294 Thousand Pounds; and it is likely that the superfluous Expence in the same Year of other Commodities may have been 100 Thousand Pounds more. In all 400 Thousand Pounds, Seven Eighths whereof was over-spent by the Irish.

6. The Value of the Goods and Merchandize exported above the Value of the Goods imported in the same Time, appears to be 167 Thousand Pounds. Now the last Two of the Six last-mentioned Articles, may be deduced from the ensuing Table.

The Table B.

Anno 1685 | Inward | Outward
Lady Day Quarter | 10263 | 07 | — | 7493 | 10 | 2¾
Midsummer Quarter | 11436 | 14 | 10½ | 5151 | 6 | 1¾
Michmas Quarter | 11591 | 06 | 4⅛ | 7829 | 1 | 5
Christmas Quarter | 10201 | 08 | 4⅛ | 8867 | 5 | 1½
Anno 1686
Lady Day Quarter | 10288 | 14 | 2¾ | 8976 | 14 | 1¼
Midsummer Quarter | 12890 | — | 0¼ | 6690 | 11 | 2½
Michmas Quarter | 14902 | 09 | 0⅛ | 11²76 | 10 | 3½
Christmas Quarter | 11874 | 10 | 8¼ | 12563 | 4 | 1½
Anno 1687
Lady-Day Quarter | 11568 | 6 | 5 | 11824 | 5 | 6

The Table C. Lady-Day-Quarter.

| Ao. 1686 | 1687
Prisage of Wines | 676 |  |  | 482 |  |
Excise of Beer and Ale | 19028 | 10 | 7 | 17891 | 19 |
Ale-Licenses | 103 | 3 | 10 | 73 | 18 | 3
Wine Licences | 211 | 6 | 5 | 194 | 5 |
The whole Revenue | 20019 |  | 10 | 18642 | 2 | 3
| 31175 |  |  | 34180 |  |

Customes.

| Inwards | Outwards
First 3 quarters
| 10263 | 7 |  | 7493 | 10 | 2¾
| 11436 | 17 | 10 | 5151 | 6 | 1¾
| 11456 | 1 | —¾ | 7829 | 1 | 5
| 33291 | 10 | 11¾¹ | 20473 | 17 | 9½
Last 3 Quarters
| 14902 | 9 | —⅛ | 11762 | 10 | 3½
| 11874 | 10 | 8¼ | 12563 | 4 | 1½
| 11586 | 6 | 5 | 11824 | 5 | 6
| 38363 | 6 | 9 | 36149 | 19 | 11
| 33291 | 10 | 11 | 20473 | 17 | 9
| 5071 | 9 | 10 | 15676 | 2 | 2
| 4 |  |  | 12 |  |
| 20284 |  |  | 31352 |  |
|  |  |  | 15676 |  |
|  |  |  | 188112 |  |
|  |  |  | 20284 |  |
|  |  |  | 167828 |  |

Concerning Several Decays in Ireland.

Observations upon the Table A.

1. The Year 1683 was not remarkable for any extraordinary accident, and therefore we make it a fit Standard for the other Three Years; in the last whereof were extraordinary Changes upon King James the Second's coming to the Crown.

2. The gross Produce of the whole Revenue in the year 1683 was 300085l.: So as the next disposable Revenue might be about 270000l.

3. In the Year 1685 (being the first Year of James the Second) the Prisage of Wines, which is the Measure of that Commodity, did rise from 1452l. to 1882l. (or from about 3 to 4) the Excise of Beer and Ale from 68344 to 79170 (or from about 6 to 7) and the Ale-Licenses from 8284 to 9994: All which are Signs of extraordinary Drinking in 1685.

4. The Difference between the Excise of Beer and Ale in the said years 1683 and 1685 was 10826l., which even according to the small Gallon is about ⅛ Part of the Value of the said Beer and Ale, Sold by Retail , shews that the extraordinary Expence of Beer and Ale in the said years was 86608l.

5. If we measure the Expence of Wine by the Prisage, then the Expence thereof A° 1685 more than in 1683 was worth 26000l., as the one Third of 80000l. which in round Number is the Yearly Expence of Wines of all Sorts in Ireland.

6. The Customs inwards A° 1683 were 40870l. and A° 1685 were 43167l. the Difference whereof is 2297l.: Which being multiplied by 4 (imported Goods being about Quadruple in Value to their Duties) gives 9188l. as the value of the extraordinary Quantity of foreign goods as they were worth before they were ship'd. Unto which must be added the Customs of them Inwards being 2297l. as aforesaid, with as much more for imported Excise, making in all 12782l. as the Value of the extraordinary Expence of Foreign Goods in that Year 1685.

7. So as the extraordinary Expence of Beer, Ale, Wine, and Foreign Commodities was 125,390l. in the Year 1685.

8. By the same Method of Computation the extraordinary Expence upon the 3 last aforementioned Heads A° 1686 was of Beer and Ale (nothing of Wine) about 20000l., of Foreign Commodities 51582l.: In all 71582l.

9. The extraordinary Expence in the Year 1684 were also considerable (the Causes whereof I do not meddle with) vizt in Beer and Ale 73912l.: in Wine 10000l.: in foreign Goods 13902l.: In all 97814l.

10. The said extraordinary Expence was in 1684, 97814l.; A° 1685, 126390l.; and A° 1686, 71582l.: And in all the said Three Years 294786l. Besides 106000l. guessed to be for Inland Superfluities.

Observations upon the Table B.

1. The said Table containeth 9 Quarters of a Year, whereof in the 3 first Quarters, or first Ternary, the Customs inwards were 33291l.; and outwards 20473l.; and in the last 3 of the said 9 Quarters or 3d Ternary, the Customes inwards were 38363l. and outwards 36149. The Difference in the outward Ternaries is 15676l., which multiplied by 12 (the Value of Exported Goods being 12 Times as much as their Duties) gives 188,112l., as the probable Value of the extraordinary exported Goods in the said 3 last Quarters. More-over the Difference between the Duties upon Imported Goods in the said 2 Ternaries is 5071l., which multiply'd by 4 gives 20284l., The probable Value of the extraordinary Quantity of imported Goods. Now deducting the said 20284l. out of 188,112l., the Remainder is 167,828l.: the probable Value of the Goods exported above what was imported.

Observations on the Table C.

That the whole Revenue is more in the Lady-Day-Quarter 1687, than in the same Quarter 1686, by about Part. But the Revenue upon the particular Branches of Prisage, Excise upon Beer and Ale, with that of Ale and Wine Licences is sunk about Part .

So as the Six Diminutions (some whereof are more or less reparable) do amount in all to Ten Millions and 927000l. the Interest whereof at Ten per Cent. is a Million 92000l. Now as the said Interest is in Proportion to the whole Expence of the Nation (which I take to be Six Millions and ½ for 1300 Thousand heads at 5l. each) so the said Expence must hereafter shrink, vizt from 7 to 6, and so must such Part of the King's Revenue also as dependeth thereon.

Since the Making of these Tables, it has been certify'd from Dublin, That the Customs of that Port were in Mid-summer Quarter A° 1686, 13378l., and the same Quarter of the Year 1687 They fell to 10259l., and that the Excise upon Beer and Ale fell in the same Quarter in that City 947l., or one Sixth Part of the Whole: Altho’ the Prisage of Wines encreased from 204 to 278, in the same Time.

It has been also written that, in the West of Ireland, the Yearly Rent of Lands have fallen from 5 to 3, and that within the last 2 Years the Excise of Beer and Ale in and about the same Lands, has fallen from 29l. 10s. to 7l. 2s. All which does too well Justify the Conjectures, which have been here made concerning the Decays of Ireland, as may better appear by the small Table here inserted, with the Births and Burials.

Dublin Midsummer Quarter

Anno | Customs | Excise | Burials | Baptisms
1686 | 13377 | 5741 | 503 | 219
1687 | 10259 | 4794 | 639 | 310

We said that the Excise of Beer and Ale is shrunk at Dublin ⅙ of the whole, or 947l. in the Midsummer Quarter of this Year 1687, and more in other Places. Now whereas it is commonly said, That the Cause thereof is, That the Army are all almost Irish , and that the Irish drink little Exciseable Drink, contenting themselves with Milk, Whey, &c.

To this I answer, that the ⅙ of Excise upon Ale and Beer And Ale Licenses is near 15000l. per Annum; that the Pay of the whole Army is about 204000l. per Annum. That the Soldiers (many of whom have Families) cannot spend of their Pay in Drink, and find themselves with other Necessaries of Meat, Cloths, horses, Arms, &c. out of the rest. That is to say they cannot afford above 20000l. for drink the Excise whereof is about ⅛ of the same or 2500l., or which is but ⅙ of 15000l., which was ⅙ of the Whole. We may say That if all the Irish of the Army drink onely Water, the King's Revenue of Excise would scarce fall for that Reason, nor above Part of the Whole 90000l. as aforesaid.

Another Argument for the Impoverishment of the Inhabitants of Dublin, at least for the Lessening their Expence, is the Consumption of Coals their General and Uniform Fuel, which may therefore be a Measure of all other Expence. Now it appears that in the Years 1683 and 1684, that Expence was near alike, but in the Year 1685 (when Fear first seizd the said Inhabitants, who, as appears by the Registred Baptisms, were most Protestants) it shrunk Part; and in the Year 1686 another Part; in all ⅕. Which answers the Shrinking of the Customs ¼ and of the Excise ⅙.

The Expence of Coals or Fuel at Dublin .

1685 | 39565 |
1686 | 35472 |

Having made this Estimate of the Decays in the Whole Commonwealth; I descend to inquire what the Catholicks of Ireland have gained by the late Changes; and Say

1. That the whole Pay of the Army being 204 Thousand Pounds per Ann. I hear that the Catholicks receive about 160 Thousand Pounds thereof per Annum: Which at two Year's Purchase (for Military Imployments are not yet worth as many Year's Purchase as they were 4 Years since) amounts to 320 Thousand Pounds.

2. The Lands, for which the Lord Dunsany, Mr Husey, and Mr. Barnwel, have gotten Verdicts, may be worth about 1000l. per Ann.

Nor do I believe that ten times the said Summ can be gotten more in the same Manner. Now if the best Titles are worth but 10 Year's Purchase, then the Value of 10000l. per Annum, gotten upon such Verdicts, is not worth so much; and their whole Gain of Soldiers and Ejectors not worth above 400 Thousand Pounds.

On the other Hand the Catholicks have lost as followeth (vizt.)

1. The Superfluous Expence abovementioned, amounting for their Shares probably to 350 Thousand Pounds.

2. The Lands belonging to the Roman Catholicks of Ireland A° 1683, were worth 3 Millions. But if the Generality of Lands have fallen above one half, I question whether their Lands and Houses be not fallen ⅓ or a Million.

3. If the Cattle of Ireland be now fallen from 5 to 3 Millions, and that above one half thereof did belong to the Roman Catholicks, then they have upon this Account lost above a Million more. In all about 2 Millions 350 Thousand Pounds; but have scarce gotten, and probably will not get ⅙ of the said Summ. All which in Time may more sensibly appear, altho’ the greater Losses of the other Party does for the present Ecclypse this.

We add hereunto a Conjecture of the Causes of these Decays and Diminutions.

The Causes in General are Frights, Fears, and Jealousies: For the English and Protestants are frighted.

1. To see that for the Sake of Religion (which upon this Account signify'd nothing before the Reformation) that England's Conquest of Ireland is given back to the Irish, as they are apt to imagine.

2. That after Laws are made in England and Ireland, Enacting, That the Insurrection in 1641; The Change of the English Monarchy into an Irish Democracy in 1642; And the Placing Supremacy in the Roman Catholicks; should be Cause of Forfeiture: That those who bear the visible marks thereof should be now trusted with all Civil and Military Power, and probably from Forfeitors be made Legislators.

3. That a Design was Published for making the Roman Catholicks of Ireland as considerable for their Estates as for their Numbers : Which in Effect is to take away 11 or 12 Millions of Wealth from the other Party.

4. That the most Zealous Promoters of the Roman Catholic Religion (which, they say, is the onely Means of Eternal Weal or Woe) should make such an Esteem of an Oath (sacred in all Ages and amongst all Nations) as appears in the Lord Dunsany's Trial hereafter inserted .

On the other Hand the English and Protestants have done amiss, to be frighted from their habitations and Business

1. When the King had publickly and solemnly, by his Lord Lievtenant, declared to maintain the Acts of Settlement and Explanation

2. When he had declared for an absolute Liberty of Conscience.

3. When the Publick Revenue, especially that of Customs and Excise (being the Pulse of the Nation) were never higher than in the year 1686.

Having entred upon the Consideration of the Decays of Ireland, it may not be impertinent to consider also (being a Thing much talked on) the Number and Quality of the Brittish and Protestants, who have lately quitted that Countrey; as apprehending much Danger in the Change from the Army and Civil Government, which have happen'd there. In order whereunto, I frame this General Question (vizt) What would be the Damage and Detriment to the Common-wealth of Ireland, if all the Brittish and Protestants, with their Personal Estates, were removed from thence, That by the Rule of Proportion we may measure the Effects of Removing any Part of the whole, when we come to know that Part.

We have said that the Irish Catholicks are to the Brittish as 8 to 1. We must add that (Generally speaking) the ordinary Wages of English Workmen and Artizans is triple to that of Irish Labourers, which is but 4d. per Diem; whereas the meanest of the other Sort do earn at least 12d. So as reckoning one of the English to be equivalent to 3 Irish, the real Proportion between the said Parties will be as 8 to 3, That is to say, the Irish Catholicks will be 8 of 11, and the English in Effect 3 of 11. Wherefore if the value of the Lands in Ireland be 11 Times 11, or 121, Suppose 11 Groats per Acre and 11 Year's Purchase, then after the English are gone the same will fall to 8 Groats the Acre and 8 Year's Purchase; that is to say, to 64 Groats, which before was worth 121 Groats, and become to be but about half the present Value. Which agreeth with what is observed to come to pass in the above Estimate, Which is a Presage Men have already made concerning that Matter.

Moreover, if the Value of the Cattle, Corn, Merchandize, Shippings, and Money of Ireland be about 7 Millions, and that 4 Millions and ½ thereof doth belong to Brittish Protestants, I see no Reason why the Trade, Commerce and Negotiation of Ireland, when 9 Fourteenth Parts of the Stock is carry'd away, should not fall from 14 to 5 also, and become less than ½ of what it is at present: And by this Rule any Diminution of the English Great or Small, may be computed in the Effect thereof upon the Common-wealth.

We have told that one English Workman at a Medium is Equivalent to 3 Irish Workmen: So we may say that one English Soldier in the Heat of the Warr between June 1649 and June 1652, did prove equivalent to 3 Irish Soldiers. For I have heard from the Muster-Rolls that at the End of the Warr A° 1652 and 1653, the English Army in Pay was about 17000; unto which Number it moldred away from 23000 at the Landing of Cromwel: And I have heard that about the same Time 34000 Irish Soldiers and Soldierlike Persons, did go beyond-Sea; and if half that Number did stay behind, the whole Irish Forces were 51000, or triple to the 17000 English aforementioned. And that the said English, in the said 3 Years, did make an Absolute Conquest of the whole Irish Nation, and all their Adherents, is most manifest. I further add, that the Irish Nation in that Time, that is to say, of Men between 16 and 60 Years old, was 12 Times the Number of the said English Army. All which is said rather to give a just Value to the English, than to disparage the Irish, who have fought against other Nations at even hands.

To strengthen then my Assertion, that the English Army was but 17000: I further say that every Soldier, who served never so little a while between the 6th of June 1649, and the 26th of September 1653, had a distinct Debentur stated for his Service: Upon which it appears how many of them dyed in that Time, besides those that went off upon other Occasions. Now the whole Number of such Debenturs being but 33000, there is no reason to think that there was in pay above 17000 at a Medium at any one Time.

As to the Body of the English, we shall by the subsequent Accounts of Foreign Trade make it probable, That ¾ of the Foreign Commerce and Manufacture is managed by them. We further add that all the Real and Personal Estate of Ireland being worth about 20 Millions, that onely ¼ thereof doth belong to the Irish (vizt) 3 Millions worth of Land, and 2 Millions-worth of Cattle and other Commodities. All which is said that how much soever it be thought fit to magnify the Irish, that the English there be not mistaken to be despicable.

Wherefore it may well enough become this Place, to take a gross View (which I heartily beg those who better understand Trade to examine and correct) of the Foreign Trade of Ireland, as it stood in the Year 1685, beginning with the Exportations. vizt.

1. There were exported 1054 horses, which (I suppose) were bred by the English of Ireland.

2. There were exported 2080 Flitches of Bacon, 2514 Barrels of Pork, 75231 Barrels of Beef, and 1135 Dozen of Neat's -Tongues: The Salting and Saving all which, I take to have been brought in by English.

3. There were exported 134712 Barrels of Butter, 2814 hundred Weight of Cheese. Which I take to be the English Manufactory, That which is made by the Vulgar Irish being scarce a vendible Commodity in Foreign Parts.

4. There was exported 84 hundred of Glew, with great Quantity of Ox-horns, Ox-Gutts, and Ox-bones: All which is English Manufacture.

5. There were exported 1435 hundred of Lamb-Skins, 4067 Dozen of Calves-Skins, 1665 hundred of Coney-Skins, 494 Dear-Skins, 4331 Fox and Otter-Skins, 278 hundred of Goat-Skins, 93412 Raw-Salted Oxhydes. All which were exported, because the English for their Paucity, and the Irish for Want of Skill, could not manufacture them to the best Advantage.

6. There were exported 86093 Tan'd hydes, which certainly was the Manufacture of the English, the Irish being conversant with little other Tanning than that of Leather for Brogues.

7. There were exported 4937 Pieces of New, and 79 Pieces of old Drapery: in making whereof the Irish had little hand.

8. There were exported 629141 Yards of Frize and 24,667 Pairs of Course Stockings: The greatest Part whereof were wrought by the Irish.

9. There were exported 123,703 Stone of Wool, with 725 Stone of Woolen Yarn, sent away to be manufactured in England.

10. There were exported 1851 Pieces of Linnen Cloth, 3825 hundred Weight of Linnen Yarn: a great Part of the courser Sort whereof was wrought by the Irish.

11. There was exported 2710 hundred Weight of Candles and 41365 hundred Weight of Tallow: which was the proceed of about 100 Thousand Oxen, or the Equivalent in Sheep, reckoning eight Weathers to one Ox.

12. There was exported 4644 Barrels of Beer, 1519 Gallons of Aqua Vitæ, 5240 Weight of Biskets, 148115 Barrels of Corn: most whereof was the Labor of the Irish.

13. There was exported 3902 Barrels of Herring and hogsheads of Pilchards; 591 hundred of Dry Fish, with 3055 Barrels of Salmon: whereof about 3 Quarters were the Labor of the English.

14. The exported Timber, Plank, and Coopers , were for the most part the Work of the English.

15. There is more Iron exported out of Ireland, than imported into it, and consequently all the Quantity of Iron used in Ireland is made there and that by the English: Neither are the Irish found by Experience so good as the English, even for Cutting, Cording, and Coaling of Wood, nor for raising of Mines, and carrying off the Water from their Pitts.

Lastly, the Feathers, Kelp, Melasses, Train-Oil, Rape-Seed, Wax and Shoos, exported out of Ireland, is almost all the Work of the English.

As for Importations.

1. The Gold, Silver, Copper , Tin, Lead and Steel, as also the Iron (excepting Horse-Shoes, and Plow-Irons) is manufactur'd by the English.

2. The Tobacco-pipe-Clay, Slates and Coals is the Work of the English.

3. The most Part of Dying is done by the English, the Irish indeed can use Bog-Earth, Weeds, and some Indico for that Purpose.

4. The Cotton, Grogram-Yarn and 7831l. of raw Silk is all manufactur'd by the English, the 18241 Pieces of Callico are brought from the Indies by the English.

5. The 2056 Tun of French Wine and 727 Pipes of Spanish, is for the most part brought in by the English Merchants and Mariners. The 15000 hundred Weight of Sugars, and 3 Millions Pounds of Tobacco, were made in America by the English, and chiefly brought in by them.

6. The 1056 hundred of hemp is wrought into Cordage by the English.

7. All the Gunpowder, and most of the Arms, are made by the English.

8. 2811 hundred Weight of hops are grown for the most part in England, & brought into Ireland .

There be many other important Observations, to be made upon this gross Account of Trade, but not pertinent to this Place.

Supplements.

1. It has been said that there are now several Decays in Ireland.

2. That the Causes of them have been Fears and Jealousies.

3. That the said Fears do chiefly respect some Changes in the late Disposure of the Lands of Ireland.

4. We shall therefore add a few Words, Why the present Settlement of the said Lands is so much suspected, I suppose, by both Parties. But omitting the Angry Part of the efficient and final Causes of this Settlement, as not reducible to Number, Weight, and Measure.

I shall only say, That my own Fears concerning the Settlement are, and ever were, That the same was not better grounded upon the Accounts, which ought to have been made of the Particulars following (vizt.)

1. How many Acres the whole Territory of Ireland did contain, and how many of them (A° 1641) did belong to Protestants, and how many to Roman Catholicks?

2. Of the Lands belonging to Catholicks (A° 1641), how much of the same were in the Hands of Catholicks (A° 1659) how much more A° 1664?

3. What the Value of the said Lands were A° 1641, 1653, and 1663.

4. What the Irish got from the Brittish, or the Catholicks from others, between the 23d of October 1641 and the 10th of November 1642, in Cattle, Goods, &c?

5. What the new Catholic State got by Land, witheld from the Brittish and the Church between the Year 1642 & 1650?

6. What the Irish got, and the Kingdom lost, by the 34000 Soldiers, sent into Foreign Parts in the Year 1652?

7. What the King gained by the Parliament of Ireland, which made the Acts of Settlement?

8. What he gained by raising the Quit-Rents from the Irish to the English Measure; and by the Year's Value out of forfeited Lands?

9. What was the Quantity and Value of Regicide's Lands, and of the Lands of obnoxious Persons shelter'd by Favourites?

10. What was the Value of Adventures and Debenturs of several Sorts in every Year between A° 1652 and 1659? And what was the Total of each Sort of Debenturs and Adventures? And what was the Quota satisfied upon each Sort before the Year 1659?

11. What Proportion did the Pay of 49 Officers bear to that of their Private Soldiers?

12. What Number of English Soldiers appeared by these Debenturs to have perished in the Warr of Ireland between the Years 1648 and 1654? And what Number of the English, who joined with the Irish, were slain in the same Time?

13. What Money and Money's Worth was really sent out of England into Ireland, between the Years 1641 and 1661?

14. What was the Charge of the Army in Ireland, between the Years 1653 and 1664?

15. What was the Number of the People in Ireland A° 1641 and what 1653? And what probably might they have been A° 1653, if the Warrs had not been?

16. What Lands of the Catholic Restorees, gotten into their hands A° 1664, which were not their's A° 1641?

17. How much did Innocents and other Catholic Restorees recover by vicious Deeds?

18. What has been the Charge in all Courts between the Years 1653 and 1664, concerning forfeited Lands? All which might have conduced to better the Explanatory Act made in the Year 1665.

I am also sorry that the Confirming and Finishing this Settlement was not made in England, where the Ultimate Judicature is, Where the Supreme Legislature of Ireland is; And where are 1600 Thousand indifferent Men, not concerned in this Matter.

From which Accounts will arise the Conclusions following, and many others (vizt)

1. That the Parliament of England A° 1642 did allot 2 Millions and ½ of Forfeited Acres for Suppressing the Rebellion: Which was about ½ of the Lands which the Irish Catholicks then had.

2. That A° 1683 the Irish Catholicks had about half of what-ever they had A° 1641; and Brittish Protestants had the rest, being about 2 Millions 400000 Acres.

3. Of the said 2 Millions 400000 Acres, the Soldiers who actually conquer'd Ireland between the Years 1648 and 1653 had 1400000 Acres.

4. That the said Soldiers did consist of 4 Sorts: (vizt) 1st Phanatic English. 2dly The old Protestants of Ireland. 3dly English Cavaliers then wanting Employments. 4thly Some Lukewarm Irish.

5. Of the Fanatic English, the Regicides and Halbiteers lost all; and about 25 others of the chief and most obnoxious Persons lost at least one Third; by sheltring themselves under the Lord Anglesey and other like Favourites: And many of the rest sold their Interest at low Rates.

6. The said Soldiers stated about 33000 Debenturs, amounting in all to 1160000l., which were fairly and openly sold before the Year 1655 for 3s. 4d. the Pound, at most for 10s., and at a Medium for 6s. 8d. So as all the said Debenturs might have been bought for 380000l, vizt at about 10l. each for 4 Year's Service of every Soldier in that Conquest. The greatest Debentur of any one Man not amounting to above 2400l.; and the greatest Man not having so many Debenturs, as would have been sold in the Market for 1500l. in ready Money.

7. The Adventurer's Legal Debt was about 300000l., and the Interest thereof to the Year 1653, as much more; and the Insurance to both double to both the said Summs: In all 1,200000l. For the Adventurers were to have nothing unless the Rebellion had been suppress'd.

8. The Lands in Ireland now forfeited were worth A° 1641 about 30s. the Acre one with another, And but 2s. 6d. A° 1653. Near 20s. A° 1663. About 30s. A° 1673. And about 40s. A° 1683.

9. The Quit-Rents of Forfeited Lands, were as a Gratuity to the King (after his Restauration and Promises at Breda) were advanced from Irish to English Measure vizt 24000l. per Annum: Which at 15 Year's Purchase amounts to 360000l. which with 180000l. (the Year's Value of forfeited Lands in the Year 1659) did amount to a Gratuity of 540000l. for what was worth but 300000l. A° 1653.

10. The Convention and Parliament, which made the Acts of Settlement, gave to the King 2 Pole-Moneys 20000l. for particular Uses, 120000l. as a Supplement to the Year's Value, 35 Subsidies of 15000l. each: Amounting in all to near 1,200000l.

11. The same Parliament also settled upon him a Revenue of near 60000l. new Quit-Rents, 30000l. Hearth Money, 120000l. Customes 70000l. Excise, and 10000l. Licenses for Selling several Sorts of Drinks. In all a Revenue of 290000l. per Ann. and near Quadruple to what it was before the Warrs.

12. The Brittish Protestants lost by the Robbing and Plunderings of the Irish between 23d of October 1641 and the 10th of November 1642 For their personal Estates were then worth above 2 Millions, and the Irish were 10 for one.

13. The new Catholic State gained between the Years 1642 and 1650, by Usurping of the King's Revenue, of Church-Lands and Livings, and the Sequestration of the Protestant's Estates : For the Premisses were worth above 500000 per Ann. and the said State reigned above 8 Years.

14. The Irish Nation gained, and the Kingdom lost, by the Exportation of 34000 able-body'd Irish-men, transported about the Year 1652: For such Men are worth here above 80l. per head, at Algier above 40l., and as Negroes above 20l. per head.

15. The Lands restored to the Catholicks after the King's Restauration were worth more than in A° 1653 by 1200000l.

16. The Charge of the Army in Ireland, between the Year 1653 and 1663 was about equal to the Rent of all the forfeited Lands in the said Time.

17. The Money and Money's Worth, actually sent out of England into Ireland between the Years 1641 and 1661 was much above a Million.

18. The People of Ireland were fewer in the Years 1653 than they might have been by about 600,000 Souls; by reason of the Sword, Famine, Plague, Banishment, and Desolations, which happened between the Year 1641 and 1653.

19. There were in the Year 1653 about 260000 Catholicks Males in Ireland of above 16 Year's old: whereof but 26 (or one in Ten Thousand) did prove their constant good Affection to the Parliament of England; and we never heard of 26, which did Publickly and solemnly protest against the Confederation of the Roman Catholicks, in their General Assembly or Supreme Councel.

20. The Usurpers, by their Act of Settlement made A° 1652 excepted many Protestants as well as Papists for Life and Estate; took nothing from Papists who proved their good Affection to themselves; took a 5th Part even from Protestants, who could not prove such Affection, and were deficient in this Point: Whereas the Act of Explanation retrenched a 3d even from the most legal Adventurers.

21. The Pay of the 49 Officers amounted to above 1200000l., and consequently the pay of the Private Soldiers and the said Officers together must have been 3 Millions and a half or 500000l. per Annum, for the Seven Years between the Beginnings of the Commotions A° 1641 to the Peace of 1648, which shews their Army to have been above 20 Thousand Men.

22. Now the eight Part of the Irish being onely nocent, as appeared by the Judgment of the Court of Claims, did beat the said English Army of 20000 Men into the Peace of 1648; Whereas we have shewn That about 17000 Men did conquer all Ireland in Three Years: All which not standing well together, we rather think That a Great Part of the Innocent Seven Eights became so by foul Play, or false Testimony.

23. And because the Innocents, being a fifth Part of the Claimants, carry'd away above a fourth Part of the whole Land, we may think that the said Innocents got by foul Play also much more than was their own A° 1641.

24. The Court of Qualifications at Athlone, was the same Thing, tho’ by another Name, with the Court of Innocents at Dublin A° 1663; And in this Court all Claims were heard; and the Claimants carry'd away above ⅙ Part of all the Lands, which belonged to Catholicks in 1641 and the Courts after the King's Restauration gave them near 2 sixths more, In all near one half in Quantity, but worth four Times more than the whole was worth in the Year 1653.

25. The Lands, which belonged to Protestants in the Year 1641, were then worth about 4 Millions; but in the year 1653 scarce worth 400000l., by reason of the Commotions begun by the Irish. So as the English were damnify'd 12 Times as much as the forfeited Lands (sett out to the English) of all Sorts were worth in the said Year 1653.

Memorandum, That several Blanks are not here filled up, and several whole Conclusions are omitted, for fear of Widening the Breaches we hope to make up: Nor had so many Conclusions been inserted as are, but that the Peace, we hope for, must be founded upon the Knowledge of Truth.

The other Fright of the English is, that by Partialities in Judicature, they are like to lose their Estates without Reprizals; in such a Way as endangers all Property, and as will damp Buying and Selling, Borrowing or Lending, Marriages and Settlements, and (at length) even Plowing and Sowing, till the Nation come not onely to Poverty, but to Brutality also. There have 5 Ejectments been brought this Year (whereas 500 have been talked of, and which probably will amount to 30) whereof 3 have been already tryed: vizt. That against Dr. Gorges, that against Major Bull, and that against Mr. Napper by the Lord Dunsany. The latter whereof is onely come to my Knowledge, and is comprehended in the following Discourse.

The Lord Dunsany's Case.

Of the Lord Dunsany's own, and of his Father's and Grandfather's Wrongs and Oppression in Ireland, since the Year 1662, and of his Relief Anno 1687.

[An account of the legal details of this case, here omitted, begins on folio 118 and extends through 125 of the MS., which then takes up the last of the “objections.”]

The Eighth Objection, That notwithstanding all the Fallacies and Sophistries abovementioned, this Transplantation of People is an uncouth, wild, monstrous, and Chymerical Notion, yea a very Notion.

Answer

And so were not long since the Assertions following, vizt.

1. That tho’ the World thought there had been near twice as many Females as Males in Mankind; yet it has been well proved that there are at London 14 Males to 13 Females, and at Rome 7 to 5 : And because Males are prolific 40 Years and Females but 25, there are in Effect at London 560 Males for 325 Females, or 112 for 65.

2. That the City of London is now about quadruple to what it was 80 Years ago, and containes about the 10th Part of the People of the whole Kingdom.

3. That in the famous hospital at Paris called L’ hostel Dieu there dye above 3000 per Ann. unnecessarily, to the Damage of France of above 200 Thousand Pounds Sterl. per Ann.

4. That London has more People than Paris, Rome, and Roven.

5. And as many as the whole Province of Holland.

To all which no great Matter has been yet Objected.

I further answer That this Essay is not a Chymerical Conceit, spun out of Fables, Dreams, Visions, Mysteries, insignificant Words and supercilious Saying; but a real Notion grounded upon Matter of Sense, and Fact, and intelligibly thus express'd (vizt)

1. That this Transplantation will increase the Gain of England from Foreign Parts from 1 to 2.

2. The Value of Ireland from 2 to 3; as also lessen Ireland's Present Decays, which are from 3 to 2.

3. Will raise the Value of Lands in England from 3 to 4.

4. And the King's Revenue from 4 to 5, but make the same as easie, as if it had contrariwise fallen from 5 to 4.

5. The Value of Transplanted People from 7 to 10.

6. All which put together exceeds 140 Millions, and cures a cruel Calamity of above 500 Years old.

To Conclude, if this Notion (such as it is) pretending to so much General Good, shall not be examined and confuted within some reasonable Time, we shall be emboldened to frame another Essay

Shewing that the King of England's Territories and Subjects are (as to their intrinsic Weight, Force, and Substance) little inferior to the same of France, without any Detraction from that Glorious Kingdom.

Postcript.

If in this Jealous Age this Essay should be taxed of an Evil Design to Wast and Dispeople Ireland, We say that the Author of it intends not to be Felo de se, and propound something quite contrary, by Saying it is naturally possible in about 25 Years to double the Inhabitants of Great Britain and Ireland and make the People full as many as the Territory of those Kingdoms can with tolerable Labor afford a competent Livelihood unto: Which I prove thus, (vizt)

1. The sixth Part of the People are teeming Women of between 18 and 44 Years old.

2. It is found by Observation That but ⅓ Part or between 30 and 40 of the teeming Women are Marryed.

3. That a Teeming Woman, at a Medium, bear a child every two Years and a half.

4. That in Mankind at London, there are 14 Males for 13 Females, and because Males are prolific 40 Years, and Females but 25, there are in Effect 560 Males for 325 Females.

5. That out of the Mass of Mankind there dyes one out of 30 per Annum.

6. That at Paris, where the Christnings and the Births are the same in Number, the Christnings are above 18000 per Annum, and consequently the Births at London, which far exceed the Christnings there, cannot be less than 19000 where the Burials are above 23000.

As for Example.

Of 600 People, the Sixth Part (vizt 100) are teeming Women, which (if they were all marry'd) might bear 40 Children per Ann. (vizt) 20 more than do dye out of 600, at the rate of one out of 30; and consequently in 16 Years the Increase will be 320, making the whole 920. And by the same Reason, in the next 9 Years, the said 920 will be 280 more, in all 1200, vizt double of the Original Number of 600.

Upon these Principles, if there be about 19000 Births per Ann. at London, the Number of the marry'd teeming Women must be above 38000; and of the whole Stock of the Teeming Women must be above 114000, and of the whole People Six Times as many vizt 684000; which agrees well enough with 696000, which they have been elsewhere computed to be .

To conclude it is naturally possible, that all teeming Women may be marry'd, since there are in Effect 560 Males to 325 Females; and since Great Britain and Ireland can with moderate Labor food and other Necessaries to near double the present People or to about 20 Millions of heads, as shall when Occasion requires it, be demonstrated.

Memorandum, that the Councel or Judicature abovementioned to be final for Ireland, may serve also for Managing the Multiplication of the King's Subjects, and may withal be a Means to perpetuate and secure the Universal Liberty of Religion late indulged by his Majestie; May take care that humor and sinister Designs be not obtruded upon the Government as Tenderness of Conscience; Nor that the said Latitude in Divine Worship and Profession of Opinions concerning Spiritual Matters, and what concerns the World to come, may not in this World destroy the Unity, Peace and Plenty, of the People. And all this under the King's Authority, This Councel being supposed to have none of it's own, altho’ it be Vox Populi, and as near as may be, the very Church of England.

Another View of the same Matters, by Way of Dialogue Between A and B.

A. How many Acres of Land, belonging to the Catholicks of Ireland A° 1641, are now, in this year 1687, enjoyed by the English Protestants?

B. Two Millions 400000 Acres, as appears by the Books of Distribution, extracted out of the Decrees and Certificates of the Court of Claims.

A. What is the Value of the said Lands?

B. I do not know what their Value is in this Year 1687, but in the Year 1683 (having bin extremely improved) I guess they might have been worth near 40s. the Acre, and A° 1641 and 1673, about 30s. the Acre, A° 1663 about 20s. & A° 1653 about half a Crown.

A. With what Face can you say they were so Cheap?

B. It is Notorious and expressly mentioned in the Acts of 17th Charles the First; as also in the Usurper's Act of Satisfaction made A° 1653, That the Lands in Leinster should be rated at 12s. per Acre, in Munster at 9s. in Connaught at 6s., and in Ulster at 4s. So as 4 Acres set out by Lot (one in each Province) should go for 31s. in Debentur-Money, which makes but 10s. in Silver-Money. Now if 4 Acres be worth but 10s. one is worth but 2s. 6d.

A. This is very hard to be believed. Have you any other Proof?

B. Yes for 4 Millions 800000 Acres A° 1659 were by Solemn Commission returned to be worth but 180000l., or 9d. the Acre: And if they were worth but 9d. the Acre A° 1659, they were not worth 5d. per Acre A° 1653, nor above 4 Year's Purchase at that Rent, viz. not above 20d. per Acre even for the Inheritance: Which by Experience is nearer the Truth than half a Crown.

A. I am amazed! I Believe, but help my Unbelief, and tell me what was the Reason of what you say.

B. At that Time there was no Housing, nor Cattle upon the Land, little Money or Trade in the Nation, no sure Titles; Soldier's Debenturs were taken for a Jest: And the whole Government and Army in the Hands of Anabaptists.

A. Well, I am satisfy'd that all the said Lands might fairly and squarely have been bought for 300 Thousand Pounds in ready Money. But pray, Who did Claim them before the Acts of Satisfaction 1653.

B. You will wonder and Laugh to hear my Answer.

1. For the Adventurer said, that his equitable Debt was in Principle Interest and Insurance 1200000l., and Quadruple to the Value of the Lands, But that his Legal Debt or Original Money was equal unto it.

2. The British Protestants, who were plundered A° 1642 by the Rebels, said that the Goods, Money, and Cattle, which they lost, were worth 600000l., as appeared by Examination upon Oath, besides the Interest thereof for 10 Years. And therefore that all the said 300000l., worth of Forfeited Lands belonged unto them and not to Strangers.

3. The owners of Ruined Housing said, That their Damage, in the 12 Years of the Warrs, amounted to Six Times the then Value of the said forfeited Lands.

4. The Owners of the Cattle, which had been destroyed in the said 12 Years (for very few were left) said that their Value amounted to at least 3 Millions, or ten Times the Value of the said Lands.

5. The Army, who serv'd from the Year 1641 to the Year 1648, and the People that fed them, pretended to a Debt of 3600000l.

6. The State and People of England said they had actually sent over 1200000l., or 4 Times the Value of the said Lands.

7. The Protestant Land Lords of Ireland said, that their Lands A° 1641, were worth above 4000000l., and A° 1653 but 400000l.: So as they were damnify'd 12 Times the Value of the forfeited Lands.

8. The Protestant Churchmen said, That their Lands and Tyths, which the Catholick's State had Usurp'd during the 8 Years of their Reign, amounted at least to 900000l., or 3 Times the Value of the forfeited Lands.

9. The King (or those who Usurped his Right) said that the Public Revenue, taken by the said new State for the said Time, amounted to 5 or 600000l. That the Value of the 34000 Men, sent into the Service of Foreign Princes, were worth above 1200000l., and that the 600000 Subjects, which the Kingdom had less in the Year 1653, than they might have had (had not the Warrs begun by the Irish hinder'd their Increase) at 70l. per Head, were worth 42 Millions, or 140 Times the whole Value of the Forfeited Lands.

10. Lastly, the Soldiers who actually conquer'd Ireland said that their Debenturs amounted 1160000l., or Quadruple the Value of the Forfeited Lands.

A. Oh, I am amazed, It seems to me that all these Claims do amount to near 200 Times the Value of the Forfeitures.

B. They do so. But perhaps they will say, The Number of the King's Subjects lessen'd by the Wars, was not 600000 Heads. I believe, indeed, the Value of each Head at a Medium is about 70l.

A. And so do I. But pray make it out that the Number of wanting Subjects is 600000.

B. I cannot well undertake it, but will tell you what I remember to have heard upon this Subject, vizt. It is allowed That the present Number of People of Ireland is 1300000, That they are increased, since the Year 1653, by Comers out of Scotland and England, 50000 ; And by the ordinary Course of Generation in 34 Years 350000 more.

A. I find by Grant's Observations, That they do not increase in England so fast.

B. Very likely. For in England, the Proportion of Marry'd Teeming Women, is not so great as in Ireland; Where they marry upon the first Capacity, without staying for Portions, Jointures, Settlements, &c. Well, let it pass for the present, That the People A° 1653, were 900000, I will prove it better at our next meeting. I say further, That the People A° 1641 were 1400000, And that they would have increased, had not the Warrs hindered, to 1500000 in the 12 Years between 41 and 53, and the Difference between 15 and 9 is 600000, as was propounded.

A. You go a little too fast. I believe that 14 in 12 Years might have very well increas'd to 15. But pray tell me, Why there were 14 A° 1641, when there are but 13 now.

B. (1) I have heard many ancient observing People say so. 2. I find that the Tyths yielded more in A° 1641, than in these latter Years; And that the Number of Grist-Mills were also more A° 1641, than now. 3. The Quantity of Hops, Tobacco, Sugars, and Salt, imported, were more than now. And the Quantity of Hydes, Tallow, Cattle Dead and Alive, and of Wools wrought and unwrought, were less; which shows that in Ireland the Consumption was great (the Natural Produce being the same at both Periods) & consequently more People.

A. I can find no great Fault with what you have said. But cou'd wish that this great Point might not be slubber'd; Murders and Massares (sic) are odious Crimes. And some say, to Blacken the Irish, that they caused the Death of above 150000 English and Scotch Protestants in the first Year of their Commotions. And others, to extenuate the Causes of Forfeiture, do shrink that Number to 400 . But you have started a most soft and candid Question, by Asking onely, without Rancor, How many of the King's Subjects were fewer in Ireland, when the Warr ended, A° 1653, than they might have been, if there had been no Warr at all, That is to say, Whether they perished by Murders and Massacres committed by Private Hands, or by Hunger and Cold, or by being frighted out of the Kingdom; or Whether they were slain as Soldiers on both Sides; or Whether they perished by the Plague, which reigned very fiercely A 1650; Or by Famin and Desolation, which was great about the End of the Warr; Or whether this Number were Lessen'd, by Hindring the Ordinary Course of Generation: For it is all one, by what Means they were Lessen'd, as to the Account we are now Stating, Of the Damages which accru'd from the Rebellion. Altho’ it be not all one, as to the Sin of the particular Scelerates, which caused this Calamity.

B. What if I had said but 300000 instead of 600000, the Loss even of 300000 People, is more than all the Estates of the Irish Real and Personal, at their greatest Worth and Splendor, can expiate. Nevertheless, because it is a curious Inquiry, and to shew you that I do not talk altogether at Random, I will repeat and strengthen the Demonstration I began; vizt.

1. That there [are] about 1300000 Souls in Ireland in this Year 1687. I say that the Revenue of Hearths is 30000l., So as the Hearths must be 300000 in Number. I say that, by a good Estimate from the Hearth-Books, all the Houses in Ireland, which have more than one Chimney are 20000; and that there dwell 6 Heads in each of such Houses, one with another: In all 120000 Souls. And that there are in the said Houses 3 Chimneys one with another, in all 60000 Chimneys: Which deducted out of 300000, leaves 240000 chimneys for 240000 Thousand Families. But in the poor Cabineer Families, one with another, there live 5 Heads in each; which makes the Number of those Cabineers 1200000: Which added to the 1200000 (sic) abovementioned, makes 1320000 Heads, which is the next round Number to 1300000.

2. Let me suppose that there were 900000 People in the Year 1653, and 1300000 now, then at a Medium there were 1100000: Out of which there dyed, at the Rate of one out of 30,37000 per Annum. Grant saith that in Countrey Parishes, where there are 4 Burials there are 5 Births; and consequently the Increase of the People in Ireland must be the Quarter of 37000 or 9000 one Quarter per Annum: Which multiply'd by 35 makes 315000 to have increased by Generation, between the Year 1652 and 1687, and the Number in 1652 to be 985000.

3. Altho’ I said there were more People A° 1641 than A° 1687, as appears by the Exportations, Importations, Tyths, Grist-Mills, and the Judgment of Intelligent Persons; Yet I shall suppose them to be but one 13th Part, or 1400000 in all: But 1400000 would have increased from the Year 1641 to the Year 1653 11500 per an or 138000, making the whole 1538000. Now the Difference between 1538000 and 985000¹ is 5530001. So as of the 985000¹ last Mentioned we need suppose but 470000(sic) to have come out of England and Scotland in 35 Years; And then the Assertion, that the King has lost 600000 Subjects by the Irish Commotions is well justify'd.

I know these are not so perfect Demonstrations as are required in pure Mathematicks; but they are such as our Superiors may work with, as well as Wheelwrights and Clock-makers do work without the Quadrature of a Circle. For to have been more Nice or Punctilious in them, had been the same Excess, as if a Painter should work a large high Altar-Piece in Miniature: Whereas the gross Image of this Affair lyes in Saying, that the Irish changed the Monarchy into Democracy, which cost the Crown of England 600000 People, worth 42 Millions of Money.

A. You have said more than I thought could have been said: But remember, I must have another Bout with you about this Matter. You told me how many Claimants there were for this 300000l. worth of Forfeited Lands: Pray proceed to tell me how the same was Actually dispos'd of by the Acts of Settlement and Explanation, keeping to the Supposition, That the Whole was but 300000l.

B. You come a little too suddenly upon me; I cannot tell you all these Things without Book, but will give you the best Guess I can, which is

1. That the Adventurers (of the said 300000l.) had 43000l.

2. That 155000l. were given to the Soldiers.

3. That out of the Adventurers and Soldiers which had been Regicides, 20000l. was given to the Duke of York; and that Obnoxious Men of both Sorts gave 4000l. to be shelter'd by Favourites.

4. The Church and Colledge of Dublin, and other Publick Uses had about 8000l., and the 49 Officers 32000l.

5. Protestant Sufferers, Servitors, and Favourites had the rest, or 38000l.

A. But what did all the Claymants, you just now mention'd, say to this Shrinking of their Hopes into a Welshman's Button?

B. They rail'd at the present Settlement and said, That the Usurpers needed not to have been so kind, as by their Act in 1652 to give away above Part of the Whole to the Catholicks, who forfeited all in Lump as one Man, eo Nomine; Tho’ not for going to Mass or Confession, nor for Praying to Saints or for the Dead; But for Changing Monarchy into Democracy, for placing Supremacy into a Council of Confederate Roman Catholicks, and for Extorting from the King (in duris) the Articles of 1648. For the Usurpers themselves touch'd no man for his Religion, and punish'd Protestants and Papists equally, whom they found disaffected unto them; and thought Difference in Religion to be no more a Cause of Forfeiture, than an English Ship's carrying a Flag with a Red Cross to an Enemy-Nation. But no doubt the Usurpers had an End for this their Indulgence, as in the Preamble of the said Act is set forth. For they gave all Men Leave to Claim upon their Qualifications, and the 8th Qualification was the same with Innocency; and all Complainants (for ought I know) were heard, and had Decrees at Athlone of one Sort or other.

A. This was a scurvy Grumble to begin withal: What else did they say?

B. I told you there were several Species of Claimants, whereof some Grumbled one way and some another. As for Example: Some thought they had been confirm'd, by the King's Promises at Breda, in what they possess'd the 7th of May 1659, without further Trial of Innocence , after a Present given the King of 540000l. Others thought that the Acts of the Rump-Parliament were, as to this Matter, completely warranted by the Act of 17th of Charles the First, and that of Judicial Proceedings, which Doctrine the English Act of Oblivion seems to favour; Others wonder'd to see 7 of 8 Irish Claimants adjudged Innocent, and that very suspicious Deeds of Entail [were] allow'd to the Sons of Outlawed Persons; That English Strangers should be put to prove what was done 20 Years before in the Rebels Quarters, and be deny'd the Testimony of the 49 Men for that Purpose: And in Fine, That about 1500000 Acres of Land should be restored upon such Innocents, and upon such Titles, and upon Provisos of mere Grace. Lastly, others grumbled, That the Irish should so vehemently crave a further Hearing of all their Claims; and such Sherifs and Juries should be chosen, as shall allow the Deeds which the Irish have suppressed For 20 Years. There be many other Grumblings against Great Men; but the World will never be quiet, nor cease to be Envious, not considering that if Things have been amiss in this Settlement, they may be as bad in another.

A. You were saying that there was Grumbling against Great Men, upon the Account of the present Settlement. I remember that the Narrative of the Sale and Settlement of Ireland grumbles hard against the Duke of Ormond, as for having as much Land, as would have satisfied all the Adventurers, in or about the Year 1667, when that Pamphlet was written. Can you make me understand this Matter, for it seems very Enormous, and by that I might make a Judgement of the whole Book.

B. That Author does often speak at random, and what he does not know; omitting very many Things which ought to be known. But to this Present Point I say, 1. That the Acres, which the Adventurers first had, were 390000 ; and I do not find that the Duke of Ormond had ever above 3 Quarters of that Number in his Hands of any Sort, or in any Sense.

2. That if he then had 300000 Acres in his Hands, above 200000 thereof was the course Lands of Kerry; upon which he had onely some Chaffages .

3. That the said Lands were indeed 200000 Acres, but it was by the erroneous Measure of the extream Column: Whereas they contained indeed scarce 30000 Acres by the Legal Measure of the reduced Column, according to which very Measure, they were not worth 2s. per Acre before the Warrs.

4. His Grace, upon Trial of the Matter in the Court of Claims, quitted these Lands to those who had Right in them, a little after the Author wrote. So that in Truth, upon the whole Matter, this vast Scope of Kerry-Lands would not have made above Part of the Adventurer's Satisfaction, which that Author conceived might have been a full Satisfaction to them: And as his Grace was abused by this Narrative, so was he also by them who put him upon Meddling with those Lands at all, which he held about 5 Years upon their Sinister Perswasions.

A. I instance, in the next Place, the horrible Grumbling against Sr. Wm. Petty as an exorbitant Gainer by the said Settlement. Can you say any Thing of him?

B. That Man has been 35 Years upon the Stage of Irish Affairs, so as a Volume might be writt concerning him. But the Answer to your Question may be short, vizt. That Gentleman made an Admeasurement of Ireland in the Year 1655 and 1656, now fairly recorded in his Majesty's Surveyor General's Office, by distinct Maps of every Parish; and also Printed and Published in distinct Maps of every Country and Province. And the same was appointed to be done, not onely by the Usurper's Acts, but even by the Act 17° Car. Imi and the Work was confirmed not onely by several Years of Probation during the Usurper's Government, but also by the Acts made in Ireland since the King's Restauration; and more particularly, after ten Year's Examination of the same by the Act of Explanation in the 22d and 23d Pages thereof: And hath been before and since the Rule and Standard of the greatest Transactions in Ireland.

This Survey was performed by Measuring as much Line by the Chain (and Measuring about 20 Angles within every Mile's Space by the Circumferenter) as would encompass the Globe of the Earth 8 Times about in it's greatest Circle. Now if we may allow him to gain 1000l. for Measuring each Time about the World (his Accounts amounting to 9000l.) then the said Gain, lay'd out in forfeited Lands at half a Crown the Acre (which was the fair Market-Rate, as hath been elsewhere proved) then Sr. Wm. Petty might have 70000 Acres for his Work, worth at 2s. the Acre 7000l. per Ann.

Memorandum, That if he had gotten more than is here mentioned, he need not have been a Knave thereby: For he had A° 1657 4000l. in Money more than the 9000l. that he got by the Survey. But if he has a less Estate than aforesaid, he was a Fool or unfortunate pro tanto. I further say, That the Lands belonging to the Catholicks A° 1641 were near 5 Millions of Irish Acres, or 8 Millions of English Acres profitable, with 3 Millions more in Rivers, High-ways, Loughs, Bogs, Rocks, and barren Mountains. And the Charge of the said Admeasurement was 24000l. or little above 40s. per Thousand Acres, and little above one half-penny per Acre Rough and Smooth. And if the said Survey be computed at 200000 English Miles, which will encompass the World 8 Times about; Then, allowing half a Crown or 2s. 4d. for Measuring an English Mile (with perhaps 20 Angles in the same) or about Ten Groats for an Irish Mile, the Charge of the said Survey will not amounts (sic) to 25000l., which is more than was given for the same.

A. Pray proceed to the Cases of other Men, who have got great Estates by the Settlement.

B. In answer to your Desire, I will name you about 25 of the greatest Gainers by the Settlement: Protesting against having any Prejudice against any of them. And must first tell you, That the King has about 56000l. per Ann. by new Quit-Rents out of the Forfeitures; that of the Catholicks the greatest Gainers are the Duke of York, Earl of Clancarty, Earl of Inchequeen, Earl of Tyrconnel, Earl of Carlingford, the Lord of Clare, the Lord Dillon, Coll. Matthews, & Mr. John Brown of Connaught.

2. That of those, who lived in Ireland before the Rebellion, the most considerable were the Duke of Ormond, Earl of Anglesey, Earl of Orrery, Earl of Montrath, the Lord Chancellor, the Lord Lansborough, the Lord Kingston, Lord Coloony, Sr. Theophilus Jones, Sr. Maurice Eustace, and Aldermn Preston.

3. That of those, who came into Ireland since the Year 1648, the most considerable were the Lord Massareen, Aldermn Erasmus Smith, Sr. Wm. Petty, Captn James Stopford, Mr. John Eyres of Connaught, and Sr. Henry Ingoldsby: some of all which Sorts did their Business by downright Gifts and Grants, Some were forced into great Advantages by Guilty and Obnoxious Persons; Some by the Sheltering and Colouring Vicious and defective Interests; Some by the Trade of Buying and Selling Debenturs, and Adventures, and Connaught-Purchases. So as I verily believe, That of the whole 300000l. worth of Forfeitures, there did not remain with the new English A° 1683 one full Third Part thereof. I mean by the new English, not all those that came into Ireland since the Beginning of the Rebellion, but onely those who came thither between the Year 1646 (when the King's Affairs went to wreck in England) and the Year 1656 (when the Usurpers were in their Meridian), Which Party of Men, altho’ they all seem to be Phanatically and Democratically disposed, yet in truth were Animals of all Sorts, as in Noah's Ark.

A. The Narrative of the Sale and Settlement pathetically sets forth, That never any Nation was so miserable as the Irish after their Conquest A° 1653: Whereas you insinuate, They Gained more than they Lost by the Rebellion.

B. I say by my own Observation, That I never saw so much Merriment anf Jollity anywhere, than A° 1652, among those that were to be Transported and their Friends. And have heard that the said Transportees lived more pleasantly Abroad than at Home. I also say, That Nine Parts of Ten of that Nation, who lived as Labourers and Tenants, did live more plentifully and freely in the next Seven Years after their Conquest between A° 1653 and 1660, than they had done in the Seven Years next before the Warrs. For they had Lands at small Rents even at at the present, and yet sold their Commodities at greater Rates than now, and, paying their Rents, were as free as their Landlords. Nor do I remember any Man to have been by Authority punished for his Religion in that Time, there being no National Church then established in Ireland.

A. I thank you for your Informations, but cannot digest that Honest-Moderate-Wealthy Catholicks should lose their Estates, for what a Company of Lewd, Ignorant, Barbarous, and Beggerly Rascals did against the English in the Tumultuary Year 1642.

B. Alas it is the Wrath of God, and a Curse upon Mankind, that Things should be so! Is not the whole World ingaged in Original Sin, for Adam's Eating the Forbidden Fruit? Do not Princes, by the Allowance of their Confessors, throw Bombs and Fire-works into besieged Towns, which light more upon innocent Women and Children, than upon those who have offended the said Princes, or even upon Soldiers in Arms? The General Assembly of the Catholicks did not punish the Outrages committed in that Tumult by those Scelerates; nor did those Moderate Men (you mention) by Word or Deed protest against their General Assembly, nor the Confederate Usurpers of Supremacy; but had all Secret Hopes of Gaining some agreeable Ends out of those Horrible Beginnings. Are not all Men bound by an Act of Parliament in England, altho’ 4 Parts of 5 have no Right to make Members for either House? I am unwilling to drive this Nail too far; Think on what I have said, and let me have your Objections at our next Meeting.

A. Pray, have a little Patience, and as you have now told me what the English and Protestants have lost, so repeat (if you please) what the Irish Catholicks have got by the Rebellion, or what else you will call it?

B. As to the Name Rebellion, I matter it not, That which the Irish did amiss in was, as I apprehend, THE CHANGING THE ENGLISH MONARCHY INTO A DEMOCRACY; The Placing Supremacy into a Confederacy of Roman Catholicks to the Wrong and Blemish of that Religion, and the Extorting from the King (in duress) the Articles of A° 1648: All which is plain-intelligible English of which there is no Doubt.

The Particulars by which the Irish gain'd are these; vizt.

1. By the Robberies and Plunderings of the English
before the Gen¹ Assembly.
600000l.

2. By Usurpation of the King's Revenue for above 8
Years.
500000l.

3. By Usurpation of the Church-Lands and Livings for
the same Time.
900000l.

4. By Exportation of 34000 Men at 40l.. per Head.
1300000l.

5. By Improvements upon Restor'd Lands.
1200000l.

In all
4500000l.

Now tho’ the Value of the forfeited Lands were A° 1641, 3600000l., Yet it must be understood that Parts thereof was lost by Common Calamity, and onely 300000l. (the Value of the same A° 1653) was lost by Penalty or Forfeiture, which is but the 15th Part of what they gained, as aforesaid.

A. I do not see that those, that lost their Lands, got any Part of the 4500000l., above-mentioned.

B. Truely, I believe not. For I think the 600000l. got by Plundering, was immediately and lewdly spent by the Plunderers themselves. That the King's and Church's Revenue might have been spent upon the Common Cause. That the Gain upon the 34000 exported Men, redounded to the Exportees themselves, and to their Conductors and Commanders. That the Improvements accrewed to the Restorees onely. But all that is nothing: For all the Confederate Roman Catholicks, ought to be looked upon but as one Man; who lost by Way of Forfeiture 300000l. and gain'd 4500000l., which is 15 for one. Now for Remedy of Inequality among themselves, it may be done by a Court or Council of Catholicks erected for that purpose, as aforementioned, and by the Prudence of Confessors; without Frighting and Disturbing the whole Nation with a perpetual Fear of Unsettlement.

A. I will trouble you no further. The Summ of what I have learn'd is this, That by the Rebellion in Ireland is properly mean't, The Change of Monarchy into Democracy, and Transferring Sovereign Power from the King to the Confederate Catholicks: And Aggravated by Extorting the Articles of 1648, and not Punishing the Outrages of 1641. And that the said Confederates gained thereby 15 Times more than they properly lost; And that all the several Branches of the English-Protestant Interest lost 200 Times more than they gain'd.

B. You need not now at last be so very short; but (if you please) sum up what we have said thus. (vizt)

1. Between the 23d of October 1641, and the 10th of November 1642, there was a Barbarous and Outragious Tumult of the Irish Catholicks against the English Protestants in Ireland: Who being then about 10 to one committed many Murders, Robberies, and Mischiefs upon the English.

2. That the 10th of November 1642, and after Edge-Hill-Fight in England, when the King was dangerously ingaged against his Enemies, the Irish changed Monarchy into Democracy.

3. The Roman Catholicks then blemished their own Sacred and Infallible Religion, by Making it a signal Ear-Mark and Brand of Rebellion upon themselves.

4. Their several Cessations and Peaces with the King gave him no Relief to his Distresses in England; But the Latter in 1648, was thought to be a main Cause of his disastrous Death.

5. That the English, in Pursuance of an Act made by the King, Lords, and Commons of England, perfectly suppress'd that Rebellion in the Year 1653, with an immense Expence of English Blood and Treasure, and the Loss of 600000 People.

6. The actual Conquerors did, by way of Indulgence, give to the Catholicks a 6th Part of all the Lands which belonged to them A° 1641, with the Liberty of their Persons and Personal Estates, punishing no Man for his Religion.

7. They Leased back the Lands, which they got from them as forfeited, at one Quarter of the real Value between 1653 and 1660.

8. The said actual Conquerors surrendred all their Acquisitions to the King at Breda, and made him a Present of 540000l., which, with 60000l. spent in Defence of his Title, amounted to double the Value of what they now keep, as A° 1653.

9. An Army was kept up from 1653 to 1663, whose Pay was equivalent to the Rent of all the Forfeited Lands.

10. The Regicides and Halberteers were outed of all their Acquisitions, and many disaffected Persons driven to take shelter under others & to part with their Interests at small Rates.

11. A new Court of Innocence, and Clauses of Grace, give after the Promises of Breda, one Third more to the Catholicks of all that belonged to them in 1641, with as much Improvement as was worth 4 Times what all the Lands they lost were worth A° 1653.

12. A° 1655, The English retrench a Third of what was most Legally due. But the Irish Restorees nothing.

13. Upon the whole Matter, the Irish Catholicks seem to have gained by these Commotions 15 Times more than they lost; And all the Branches of the English-Protestant Interest, seem to have Lost 200 Times more than they have Gained.

14. The Parliament of Ireland gave to the King in Pole-Money, Subsidies, &c. within 5 Years after his Restauration, about 1200000l.

15. The same Parliament gave the King a Revenue, by new Quit-Rents out of Forfeitures, of near 60000l. per Ann. and made his whole Revenue quadruple to what the said was before the Warrs.

16. The Irish Catholicks, by indeavouring to out the English of what they held A° 1684, have reduced all the Real and Personal Estate of Ireland to be Worth but one half of what the same was worth in the said Year 1684, and lessen'd their own Estate above 2 Millions.

17. The Transplantation above-mentioned, which should have been made above 500 Years since, will benefit both Nations 140 Millions; and that of Scotland 60 Millions more: In all 200 Millions at the Hazard of 4 or 5 onely.

A. The Title of your Treatise is POLITICAL PASTIMES AND PARADOXES. Now, besides my particular Thanks, I give you this Complement, That the Consideration of these Matters may be Pastimes becoming the King. And your Assertions, concerning the Gain and Loss by the Rebellion (tho’ but a 10th Part thereof should be true) is a Paradox in all the Courts of Christendom, where the Narrative of the Sale and Settlement of Ireland has been published.

B. I thank you, and do willingly submit my self to the Censure of the World; and shall take it as a Kindness from any good Patriot, that will solidly confute, that is to say, rectify what I have said amiss, That England (which has the Ultimate Judicature of these Matters) may be throughly informed.

FINIS.

APPENDIX.

I.

[Extract from The Discourse Concerning the Use of Duplicate Proportion , 1674.]

The Eleventh Instance.

In the Life of Man, and its Duration.

It is found by Experience, that there are more persons living of between 16 and 26 years old , than of any other Age or Decade of years in the whole life of Man (which David and Experience say to be between 70 and 80 years:) The reasons whereof are not abstruse, viz. because those of 16 have passed the danger of Teeth, Convulsions, Worms, Ricketts, Measles, and Smallpox for the most part: And for that those of 26. are scarce come to the Gout, Stone, Dropsie, Palsies, Lethargies, Apoplexies, and other Infirmities of Old Age. Now whether these be sufficient reasons, is not the present Enquiry; but taking the afore-mentioned Assertion to be true: I say, that the Roots of every number of Mens Ages under 16 (whose Root is 4) compared with the said number 4, doth shew the proportion of the likelyhood of such mens reaching 70 years of Age. As for example; ‘Tis 4 times more likely, that one of 16 years old should live to 70, then a new-born Babe. ‘Tis three times more likely, that one of 9 years old should attain the age of 70, than the said Infant. Moreover, 'tis twice as likely, that one of 16 should reach that Age, as that one of 4 years old should do it; and one third more likely, than for one of nine. On the other hand, 'tis 5 to 4, that one of 26 years old will die before one of 16; and 6 to 5 that one of 36 will die before one of 26; and 3 to 2, that the same person of 36 shall die before him of 16: And so forward according to the Roots of any other year of the declining Age compared with a number between 4 and 5, which is the root of 21, the most hopeful year for Longævity, as the mean between 16 and 26; and is the year of perfection, according to Our Law, and the Age for whose life a Lease is most valuable. To prove all which I can produce the accompts of every Man, Woman, and Child, within a certain Parish of above 330 Souls; all which particular Ages being cast up, and added together, and the Sum divided by the whole number of Souls, made the Quotient between 15 and 16; which I call (if it be Constant or Uniform) the Age of that Parish, or Numerus Index of Longævity there. Many of which Indexes for several times and places, would make a useful Scale of Salubrity for those places, and a better Judg of Ayers than the conjectural Notions we commonly read and talk of. And such a Scale the King might as easily make for all his Dominions, as I did for this one Parish.

The Sixteenth Instance.

In the Price of several Commodities.

Suppose a Mast for a small Ship be of 10 inches Diameter, and as is usual, of 70 foot in heighth, and be worth 40s; then a Mast of 20 inches through, and double length also, shall not onely cost eight times as much, according to the Octuple quantity of Timber it contains, but shall cost 16 times 32l. And by the same Rule, a Mast of 40 inches through shall cost 16 times 32l. or 516l. Of which last Case there have been some instances. But whereas it may be objected, That there are no Masts of four times 70, or 280 feet long, I will say, that the Rule holds in common practice and Dealing. For, if a Mast of 10 inches thick, and 60 foot long, be worth 30s; a Mast of 20 inches throughout, and 80 foot long, shall be worth 15l. And a Mast of 40 inches through, and 100 foot long (not 280 foot) shall be worth near 100l.

Moreover, suppose Diamonds or Pearls be equal and like in their Figures, Waters, Colours, and Evenness, and differ onely in their Weights and Magnitudes; I say the Weights are but the Roots of their Prices, as in the Case aforgoing. So a Diamond of Decuple weight, is of Centuple value. The same may be said of Looking-glass-Plates. I might add, that the Loadstone A, if it take up 10 times more than the Loadstone B, may be also of Centuple value.

Lastly, A Tun of extreme large Timber may be worth two Tuns of ordinary dimensions; which is the cause of the dearness of great shipping above small; for the Hull of a Vessel of 40 Tuns may be worth but 3l., per Tun, whereas the Hull of a Vessel of 1000 Tuns may be worth near 15l., per Tun. From whence arises a Rule, how by any Ships Burthen to know her worth by the Tun, with the Number and Size of her Ordinance, &c.

II.

[The Dialogue of Diamonds .]

A. You have a fine ring there on your finger, what did it cost you?

B. I am ashamed to tell you for I am afrayd I gave too much for it, & the truth is I wonder how any man [can] tell what to give, there be so many nice considerations in that matter in all which one has nothing but meere guesse to guide himself by.

A. Why, did you buy it set?

B. What should I doe with it unset?

A. If you bought it set you lost two of the best guides & measures whereby to have known its price, namely the weight and the extent, both which are computable otherwise then by meer guesse; beside the water and colour of the stone as also the clouds icecles & points are somewhat better discerned when you can look round about it, then when you look upon it but as through a window.

B. Well, I was not so wise; but I must needs buy some more diamonds shortly, wherefore pray instruct me if you can.

A. I will & first take notice that the deerness or cheapness of diamonds depends upon two causes, one intrinsec which lyes within the stone it self & the other extrinsec & contingent, such as are [1.] prohibitions to seek for them in the countrys from whence they come. 2. When merchants can lay out their money in India to more profit upon other commoditys & therefore doe not bring them. 3. When they are bought up on feare of warr to be a subsistence for exiled and obnoxious persons. 4. They are deer neer the marriage of some great prince, where great numbers of persons are to put themselves into splendid appearances, for any of theise causes if they be very strong upon any part of the world they operate upon the whole, for if the price of diamonds should considerably rise in Persia, it shal also rise perceivably in England, for the great merchants of Jewels all the world over doe know one another, doe correspond & are partners in most of the considerable pieces & doe use great confederacys & intrigues in the buying & selling them.

B. I like this discourse very well but have no occasion for so deep an inspection into the matter. I have but 2 or 300l., to lay out and I heare that the market at this time is at a midling pitch & therfore I had rather heare from you upon the intrinsec causes & such as lye within the stone it self.

A. I am content. You must therfore know that these intrinseck causes are principaly foure, vizt. weight, extent, colour or water, cleaness from faults, & to theise you may adde the mode and workmanship of the cutting.

B. When I bought my ring I did not divide my consideration into so many branches: methought it made a fine shew in general & I bid 85, 86 & 87l., for it, & the merchant swore he could not afford it so & seemed to goe away once or twice and thereupon I gave him 90l., & he told me that he would give me 85l., for it at any time within a twelvemoneth & defys me to match it anywhere for the money I gave him. Besides I had shewed it to 2 or 3 friends, who all, to shew their skill, made some special animadversions upon the business & told me I could not be much out if I gave between 80 & 90l., for it; and this is all the art I had. I expect now to be wiser from you.

A. I told you there must be four intrinsick causes of dearnesse & cheapness, vizt. Weight, Extent, Colour & Clearness. As for the weight you must get you a pair of Scales that will weigh with certainty to less then a quarter of a grain. As for extent you must get a piece of Muscovia glasse or very fine horne, wherein must be a square drawn of an inch in the side & the said Square divided into 400 Squares, dividing each side into 20 parts by the finest lines that can be drawn, making every fourth division in a line somthing bigger then the rest for distinction sake. Thirdly you must have 5 or 6 diamonds to lye constantly by you, each of a several water, & you must have in the opinion of the best jewellers the proportion of value which the said waters do beare one to another, as for Ex.: Suppose a stone weigh a graine & being of the best water is worth 25³, of the black water 20³, of the red 16³, of the yellow 14³, of the blewish 13³, of the brownish 12³ &c. Fourthly you must have as many foule diamonds as doe contein Samples of every sort of fault & a note of such abatements as an experienced Jeweller would make for every such fault, the same to be expressed in aliquot parts of the whole value, & you must also have a pair of excellent Spectacles for the older sight with a good microscope, & then I conceive you are furnisht with the means of knowing more than most jewelers doe know.

B. I cannot remember all you have said: therfore repeat the same over again in parts, & first concerning the weight.

A. I shal. The general rule concerning weight is this that the price rises in duplicate proportion of the weight, that is to say as the Squares of the weight are one to another or the weight multiplyd by it self. As for Ex.: Suppose a diamond weighing one grain to be worth 20 then diamond of 2 grains is worth 4l., because the square of two is 4, that is, 2 multiplyd by 2 makes 4; & the diamond of 2 greins is to be paid for as if it weighed 4 & by the same rule a diamond of 3 grains must be reckoned as if [it] weighed 9, because 3 times 3 makes 9, & a diamond of 4 grains is to be reckond as 16, & according to this rule the great Moguls diamond of 1000 grains is reckoned worth a million of pounds Sterling and the Duke of Florences 200000l. Now judge you whether it be safe buying a diamond of 20 grains by the eye without weighing, in which a graine difference in the weight makes about 43l., difference in the price, reckoning the single grain but for 20s.

B. I have one notable & obvious objection against your rule, which is that Lapidarys do use to divide a stone into 2 parts, making according to your rule each half to be but a quarter of the value of the whole & the two halfs after the charge and hazard of dividing to be worth but half what the whole was worth before dividing—answer me that.

A. I doe acknowledge that the rule of weight alone is insufficient, as you have judiciously observed. Wherfore you must come to the next measure which is extent; and extent is chiefly measured by the magnitude of the superficies which the great section of the stone doth make, and by cutting the stone into two parts, if the stone were valued only by the said superficies, the value of the stone cut is doubled, whereas according to the weight it was halfed. But this would better appear in an example. Suppose a stone intire to be worth 8l. Now if the same be cut in two halfs, each half reckoned by the weight alone would be reduced to 40s. and the two halfs to 4l. But if the stone be reckoned according to the extent and superficies only, then the two halfs would be worth two eight pounds or 16l. But forasmuch as the rule of weight alone and the rule of extent alone are each of them insufficient, you must joyne them both together and take the medium. For joining 4l.: the value by weight, to 16l., the value by measure, the total is 20l., the half whereof is 10l.; and thus you see the stone which intire is worth but 8l., being divided is worth 10l., yielding an advantage of 40s. which is more than the charge of dividing it doth commonly amount to.

B. Your answer is very satisfactory & ingenious & from whence I now understand the use of your glass or horne table. For I suppose that by applying the flat section to the squared table you may with diligence measure the difference of any superficies almost exactly.

A. you apprehend it right & when I have measured so the extent of two several stones, I cast up their values by the aforementioned rule of duplicate, & having cast them up both by weight & by measure, I take the medium.

B. Lord bless me, what a fool was I wholy to omit those two guides neither of which could I make use of whilest the stone was set, & how easy is it for the best jeweler in the world to mistaken one grain or one square in 20, nay, to mistake one in 100 where the value of one grain is above 200l., and how doe the workmen who doe set diamonds indeavor so to set them as to make them look 5 grains or 5 squares in 100 bigger then they are. I am very well pleased with this discourse by which in a quarter of an houre one may learn to get or save 2 or 300l., & to learn an art which is so little the worse for the wearing.

A. I am glad you accept my advice. Some men would have made a frivolous objection against it, or have received it with a scornfull smile as a prety useless fancy and no more. But because you are so candid, I will proceed to the other points.

B. I heartily thanke you.

A. You must make such a measure upon your glass table as may correspond to the value of your grain, and when you have by the weight found how many grains you are to pay for, and by your note of colours at how much per grain, & when you have again by your table of magnitudes found how many squares you are to pay for at the same rate at which you reckoned the graine, then adding the value by weight to the value by extent, the half of that summ is the value of that stone according to its weight, extent & colour.

B. I apprehend. And I thinke there remains nothing more then to teach me how to make my abatements of the value so found as aforesaid according to the several natures & numbers of the defects.

A. Well this I will doe. You must remember you were to keep by you such and so many stones as doe contain all the usual faults of diamonds with the quota parts of the value which for each defect is to be abated. As for example, suppose there be a black speck in a stone which without it were worth 10l. according to our former rules, but with it is worth 4s. lesse. Now you must remember that this 4s. must be looked upon as the 50th part of the value, and therfore you must abate 10l. in a stone of 500l. tho you abated but 4s. in a stone of 10l. Moreever suppose there be not only the black speak abovementioned but an icecle also in your stone of 10l. for which you are not abate 10l. and consequently the icecle & the speck 14s. Now I conceive that, becasue there are two faults, you must not only abate 10s. & 4s. but the double of the same, namely 28s. Again suppose that beside the speck and the icecle there be also a cloud, for which alone you might abate 6s. more, that is 4s., 10s. & 6s., in all 20s. I say that in this case you must not only abate barely 20s', nor the double thereof as when there were but two faults, but because there are three faults, you must abate the treble of all three, which is 3l., leaving your stone of 10l. reduced to 7l. Now this triple abatement in a stone of 500l. would be 150l., because that 150l. is of 500l. as the 3l. was of 10l.

B. I thinke I understand this doctrine, but there comes a conceit in my head which makes me laugh, for how if all the faults thus cast up together should amount to more then the value, will you say that the stone in such a case is so much worse then nothing? Certainly its worth something to make diamond powder of, were it never so foul or mishapen.

A. Your objection is good. Tis a pleasure to teach you, and to what you have said I can only answer theise two things: that I have heard able jewelers say that the difference of stones of equal weight is seldome more then between 15 & 5 or 3 & 9, namely that the best with all its perfections is but triple to the worst with all its faults. The other thing I say is that in case your defects cast up as aforesaid should bring your stone below of its full value resulting from the weight, extent & colour, I say in such a case that the estimate of your defects must be reviewed, tempered & better proportioned & adjusted.

III.

The Powers of the King of England . 10. Decr. 1685 by Sr W. Petty.

1. The King has a Prerogative which Lawyers must expound.

2. The King makes Peers in Parliament who are perpetuall Legislators, as also the Last and highest Judicature of England and Ireland, and have great Priviledges and Immunitys for themselves and Servants.

3. The King is the fountain of Honour Titles & Precedencys and of all the Powers which the Lrd Marshall & Heralds exercise.

4. The King makes Bishops; and They Priests & Deacons, & Clerks of the Convocation, and has also all the Power which the Pope had formerly. Bpps make Chancellors and other officers of the Spirituall Courts have power to Excommunicate &c.

5. The King makes the Chancellors of the Universitys, makes Heads and Fellows in Severall Colledges, and is also Visitor in some Cases.

6. The King has the Power of Coynage, & can give the Name, Matter, fineness, Character and Shape to all Species of Money and can cry Money up and downe by his Proclamation; which some extend to this vizt That if A. Lend B. 100l. weighing 29 pounds of Sterling Silver, If the King by his Proclamation declare that one Ounce of Silver shall be afterward calld One hundred pounds, that then B. paying to A. the said Ounce of Silver, the Debt is answer'd.

7. The King makes Sheriffs and they Juries upon Life and Estate, Limb and Liberty, as also Jaylors Baylifs & Executioners of All Sorts.

8. The King makes a Chancellor or Chief Judge in Equity who Stopps proceedings in other Courts of Law &c. The Chancellor makes Justices of Peace, & they High & petty Constable, & Sessions of Peace, &c.

9. The King makes Judges durante bene placito. They sett fines and punish at their own Discretion in Severall Cases. They Govern Proceedings at Law, Declare and Interpret the Law, Repreive, &c. & the King can suspend the Law, pardon, or prosecute.

10. The King can give Charters for Boroughs to Parliament, appoint Electors and Judges of Elections, prorogue adjourn and disolve Parliaments from time to time, and from Place to Place, disprove the Speaker &c.

[11.] The King appoints his Lieutenants to command the Grand Standing Militia, can press any Man to serve his Allys beyond Seas, as Soldiers, can equip & appoint what number of Shipps and Seamen he pleases & their Wages & pari Ratione a Mercenary Army to serve at Land, as also Guards for his Person of Severall Sorts.

12. The King has some Revenue by Common Law and Prerogative & can by his Judges interpret Statutes concerning the Branches and the Collection thereof.

13. The King has great power over Forests and Mines, Colonys Monopolys.

14. The King can doe noe Wrong, & his coming to the Crown clears him from all punishments &c. due before, and obedience to him after Coronation excuses from

15. The King by ceasing or forebearing to administer the Severall Powers above nam'd can doe what harm he pleases to his Subjects.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE PRINTED WRITINGS OF SIR WILLIAM PETTY .

[1.] A | declaration | Concerning the newly invented | Art of | double writing | Wherein are expressed the reasons of the | Authors proceedings in procuring a Priviledge for | the same: As also of the Time, Manner, and | Price, of the discovery of the said | Art, and of the Instruments | belonging thereunto. | for the satisfaction of all that desire to | be partakers of the great benefit of the same, | before they adventure anything towards | the reward thereof. | Whereunto is annexed a copie of an Ordinance of ‖ both Houses of Parliament, approving the | feasibility and great use of the said invention, and allowing ‖ a Priviledge to the Inventor, for the sole benefit thereof for 14 years, upon the penalty of one hundred pounds. | [Ornament.]

London, | Printed by R. L. for R. W. at the Star under Saint Peters Church in Cornhill, 1648.

Title, 1 l. pp. 1–10, 4°.

[2.] [Begin.] THere is invented an Instrument of small bulk and price… [end] Saint Peters Church in Cornhill.

Broadside, folio, no date. It mentions the Declaration as already printed and requests contributors to pay their money to the inventor at —. In the British Museum copy the blank is filled in with a pen, “his lodging next doore to the White Boare in Lothbury.”

[3a.] The | advice | of | W. P. | to | Mr. Samuel Hartlib. | For | The Advancement of some particular ‖ Parts of Learning. | [Ornament.]

London, Printed Anno Dom. 1648.

Title, 1 l., advertisement, 1 l., epistle dedicatory 1 l, pp. 1–26, 4°. — The epistle is dated: London the 8 January. .

[3b.] Same, in The Harleian Miscellany… Vol. VI.

London: Printed for T. Osborne, in Gray's -Inn. MDCCXLV [1745]. 4°.–Pp. 1–13.

[3c.] Same, in The Harleian miscellany… with… annotations, by the late William Oldys,… and… Thomas Park… Vol. VI.

London: printed for White and Co., and John Murray, Fleet Street; and John Harding, St. James's Street. 1810. 4°.–Pp. 1–14.

[3d.] Same, in The Harleian miscellany… with historical, political, and critical notes. Vol. VI.

London: printed for Robert Dutton, Gracechurch-Street. 1810. 8°.–Pp. 141–158.

[4] A | brief | of | proceedings | between | Sr. Hierom Sankey | and | Dr. William Petty. | With | The State of the Controversie | between them | Tendered to all Indifferent Persons. | [Ornament.]

London. | Printed in the Year, M.DC.L.IX. [1659]

Title, 1 l., to the reader, 1 l., pp. 1–8, f°.

[5a.] Reflections | upon some | Persons and Things | in | Ireland, | by | Letters to and from Dr Petty: | with | Sir Hierome Sankey's Speech | in | Parliament.

London, | Printed for John Martin, James Allestreye, and | Thomas Dicas, and are to be sold at the | Bell in St. Paul's -Church-Yard. 1660.

Title, 1 l., pp. 1–142, 147–162, 159–185, contents, 6 ll., 8°. — The pages of signature K, which should be 143–158, are all numbered four too high.

[5b.] Reflections | upon some | persons and things | in | Ireland, | by | letters to and from | Dr. Petty: | with | Sir Hierom Sankey's speech | in | parliament.

Dublin: | printed by Zachariah Jackson, | for Grueber, and M'Allister, No. 59, Dame-Street. | 1790.

Pp. [i]–xxiv. 1–187, 8°.

[6a.] A | treatise | of | Taxes & Contributions. | Shewing the Nature and Measures of | Crown-Lands. | Assessements. | Customs. | Poll-Moneys. | Lotteries. | Benevolence. | Penalties. | Monopolies. | Offices. | Tythes. | Raising of Coins. | Harth-Money. | Excize, &c. | With several intersperst Discourses and Digressions concerning | Warres. The Church. | Universities. | Rents & Purchases. | Usury & Exchange. | Banks & Lombards. | Registries for Conveyances. ‖ | Beggars. | Ensurance. | Exportation of | Free-Ports. | Coins. | Housing. | Liberty of Conscience, &c. | The same being frequently applied to the present ‖ State and Affairs of | Ireland.

London, Printed for N. Brooke, at the Angel in Cornhill. 1662.

Title, 1 l., preface 3 ll., index 4 ll., pp. 1–75, errata, 1 l. 4°.

[6 b.] A | treatise | of | Taxes & Contributions. | Shewing the Nature and Measures of | Crown-Lands, | Assesments, | Customs, | Poll-Moneys, | Lotteries, | Benevolence, | Penalties, | Monopolies, | Offices, | Tythes, | Raising of Coins, | Harth-Money, | Excize, &c. | With several intersperst Discourses and Digressions concerning | Warrs, | The Church, | Universities, | Rents and Purchases, | Usury and Exchange, | Banks and Lombards, | Registries for Conveyances, ‖ | Beggars, | Ensurance, | Exportation of | Free-Ports, | Coins, | Housing, Liberty of Conscience, ‖ &c. | The same being frequently applied to the present | State and Affairs of Ireland.

London Printed for Nath Brooke, at the Angel formerly in Cornhill, now in Gresham-College, going into the | Exchange from Bishopgatestreet. 1667.

Title, 1 l., preface, 3 ll., index, 4 ll., pp. 1–72, 4°.

[6 c.] A | treatise | of | Taxes and Contributions. | Shewing the Nature and Measures of | Crown-Lands, Assesments, | Customs, | Poll-Moneys, | Lotteries, | Benevolence, | Penalties, | Monopolies, | Offices, | Tythes, | Raising of Coins, | Harth-Money, | Excise, &c. | With several intersperst Discourses and Digressions concerning | Warrs, | The Church, | Universities, | Rents and Purchases, | Usury and Exchange, | Banks and Lombards, | Registries for Conveyances. ‖ | Beggars, | Ensurance, Exportation of | Free Ports, | Coins, | Housing, | Liberty of Conscience, ‖ &c. | The same being frequently applied to the State and Affairs of | Ireland, and is now thought seasonable for the present Affairs ‖ of England.

London, Printed for Obadiah Blagrave, at the Sign of | the Bear in St. Paul's Church-Yard, over against | the Little North-Door 1679.

Title, 1 l., preface, 3 ll., index, 4 ll., pp. 1–72, 4°.

[6 d.] A | treatise | of | Taxes and Contributions. | Shewing the Nature and Measures of | Crown-Lands | Assessments, | Customs, | Poll-Moneys, | Lotteries, | Benevolence, | Penalties, | Monopolies, | Offices, | Tythes, | Raising of Coins, | Harth-Money, | Excise, &c. | With several intersperst Discourses and Digressions concerning | Wars | The Church, | Universities, | Rents and Purchaces, | Usury and Exchange, | Banks and Lombards, | Registers for Conveyances. | Beggars, | Ensurance, | Exportation of | Free Ports, | Coins, | Housing, | Liberty of Conscience, &c. | The same being frequently applied to the State and Affairs of | Ireland, and is now thought seasonable for the present Affairs of England. | The Third [sic] Edition.

London, Printed for Obadiah Blagrave, at the Sign of the Bear | in St. Paul's Church-Yard, over against the Little North Door. 1685.

Title, in a double-lined border, 1 l., preface, 3 ll., index, 4 ll., pp. 1–72, 4°. — Apparently a reissue of the edition of 1679, with a new title page. Copies of this ed. are also bound in the following:

[6 e.] A | collection | Of three | state tracts: | I. The Privileges and Practice of Parliaments, &c. | II. The Politician discovered, or Considerations of the | Late Pretensions of France to England and Ireland; | and their Plots in order thereunto. | III. A Treatise of Taxes and Contributions, shewing | the Natures and Measures thereof, particularly | fitted for the State of Ireland. | Written, | By Sir William Petty of Ireland.

London, | Sold by O. Blagrave at the Bear and Star | in St. Paul's Church-yard. 1696.

This book consists of copies of: 1st, Privileges and practice of parliaments in England. collected out of the common Law of this land. London: Robert Harford, 1680 [first printed in 1628], 2 ll., pp. 1–44; 2nd, The politician discovered, or considerations [etc]. By a true protestant and well-wisher of his countrey. London: Langley Curtis, 1681; 1 l., pp. 1–28, 1–23; 3rd, the “third” ed. of Petty's Treatise. London: Obadiah Blagrave, 1685 (see no. 6 d above). Each of these tracts has its separate title-page, pagination, and signatures; they are simply bound together, preceded by a copper plate representing the two houses of Parliament in session, and a title-page as above.

[6 f.] A | discourse | of | taxes and contributions: | Shewing the Nature and Measures. of | Crown-Lands, | Assesments, | Customs, | Poll-Moneys, | Lotteries, | Benevolence, | Penalties, | Monopolies, | Offices, | Tythes, | Hearth, | Excise, &c. | With several intersperst Discourses and Digressions concerning | Wars, | The Church, | Universities | Rents and Purchases, | Usury and Exchange, | Banks and Lombards, | Registries for Coneyances, ‖ | Beggars, | Ensurance, | Exportation of | Free Ports, | Coins, | Housing. | Liberty of Conscince, ‖ &c. | The same being frequently applied to the State and Affairs | of Ireland, and is now thought seasonable for the present ‖ Affairs of England; humbly recommended to the | present parliament.

London, | Printed for Edward Poole, at the Ship, over against the | Royal Exchange in Cornhill, 1689.

Title, 1 l., preface, 3 ll., index, 4 ll., pp. 1–72, 4°. — A reissue of the 1679 edition (6 c) with a new title-page.

[6 g.] See 27.

[7 a.] An apparatus to the history of the common practices of Dying. By Sir William Petty. In The | history | of the | Royal-Society | of | London, | for the Improving of | Natural Knowledge. | By | Tho. Sprat.

London, | Printed by T. R. for J. Martyn at the Bell without | Temple-bar, and J. Allestry at the Rose and Crown in | Ducklane, Printers to the Royal Society. | M DC LXVII [1667]. 4°.–Pp. 284–306.

[7 b.] Same, in The history of the Royal-Society… The Second Edition Corrected.

London: Printed for Rob. Scot, Ri. Chiswell, Tho. Chapman, and Geo. Sawbridge. And are to be sold by Them, and by Tho. Bennet. 1702. 4°.–Pp. 284–306.

[7 c.] Same, in The history of the Royal Society… The Third Edition Corrected. [Ornament.]

London: Printed for Samuel Chapman at the Angel and Crown in Pallmall. MDCCXXII [1722]. 4°.–Pp. 284–306.

[7 d.] Same, in The history of the Royal Society… The Fourth Edition. [Ornament.]

London: Printed for J. Knapton, J. Walthoe, D. Midwinter, J. Tonson, A. Bettesworth and C. Hitch, R. Robinson, F. Clay, B. Motte, A. Ward, D. Brown, and T. Longman. M DCC XXXIV [1734] 4°.–Pp. 284–306.

[7 e.] L'Histoire de la Pratique ordinaire de la Teinture par le Chevalier Gvillavme Petty. In L'histoire | de la | Societé [sic] | Royale | de | Londres, | Establie pour l'Enrichissement de la | science natvrelle | Escrite en Anglois par | Thomas Sprat, | Ettraduite en Francois. | [Woodcut.]

A Geneve, | Pour Iean Herman Widerhold. | M. DC. LXIX [1669]. 8°.–Pp. 346–374.

[8.] The | discourse | Made before the | Royal Society | The 26. of November 1674. | Concerning the Use of | Duplicate Proportion | In sundry Important Particulars: | Together with a | New Hypothesis of Springing | or Elastique Motions. | By Sir William Petty, Kt. | Fellow of the said Society. | Pondere, Mensurâ, & Numero Deus omnia fecit: | Mensuram & Pondus Numeres, Numero omnia | fecit.

London: | Printed for John Martyn, Printer to the | Royal Society, at the Bell in | St. Paul's Churchyard, 1674.

1 l., recto blank, verso order of Royal Society to print, title, 1 l., epistles dedicatory, 13 ll., errata, 1 l, pp. 1–135, 12°. — The order of the Royal Society to print is dated 10 December, 1674, the epistle to Lord Brouncker is dated “ult. Decemb.”

[9.] Colloquim | Davidis | cum anima sua, (Accinente Paraphrasim in 104 Psalmum) | De Magnalibus dei. | 25° Martii 1678. fecit | Cassid. Avrevs Minvtivs. | Imprimatur, | Guil. Jane. | August 31. 1678. | [Ornament.]

Londini, | Impensis Thomæ Burrell, Bibliopolæ, ad Insigne Pilæ auratæ, sub | Templo Scti Dunstani in Vico vulgò vocato Fleet-street. | M DC LXX IX [1679].

Title, 1 l., pp. 1–6. f°. — The occasion of this translation is described on p. xxviii of the Introduction.

[10 a.] Sir William Petty's | Quantulumcunque concerning Money, 1682. | To the Lord Marquess of Halyfax.

[At end:] London, Printed in the Year 1695.

No title-page, pp. 1–8, 4°. — The above caption stands at the top of page 1, which is also signature A. None of the five copies that I have seen shows any trace of a former title-page. Three have and two have not “Price 2d.” at the end of the text. Cf. p. 448. There was, apparently, another edition in 1695, printed for A. and J. Churchill (see McCulloch's reprint below, no. 10 e) but I have not been able to find a copy of it.

“A Complete Catalogue of all Books lately Printed concerning the Coin,” which is appended to Proposals for a National Bank, setting forth how Three Millions of Pounds may be raised… (London, Printed for Richard Cumberland, at the Angel in S. Paul's Church-Yard, 1697), mentions, as no. 22 on p. 46, “Sir William Petty's Quantulumcunque concerning Money, 1612. 2 sheets in 8vo.” McCulloch's Literature of Political Economy, p. 155, cites “Quantulumcunque; or a Tract concerning Money, addressed to the Marquis of Halifax, by Sir William Petty. 4°. (London) 1682.” I have found no copy of an edition of 1682, either in octavo or in quarto.

10 b.] Observations | relating to the | coin | of | Great Britain, | consisting | Partly of Extracts from Mr Locke's Treatise concerning Money, but chiefly | of such Additions thereto, as are thought to be very necessary at this | Juncture: not only for remedying the present great Scarcity of Silver, | but for putting a stop to those Losses which this Nation suffers by the | over-valuing of Gold-Money, and by prohibiting both the Melting and | Exporting of British Coin: | Whereunto is annexed, | Sir William Petty's | Quantulumcunque | concerning | money, | Reprinted from an Edition that was printed for private Use in the Year 1695; | and corrected by a Manuscript Copy of very good authority. By J. Massie.

London: | Printed for T. Payne, in Castle-Street, Charing Cross; | Sold by | W. Owen at Temple-Bar, and | C. Henderson, under the Royal Exchange. | MDCCLX [1760] | (Price One Shilling.)

On p. 32 begins Sir William Petty his Quantulumcunque concerning Money, “reprinted from an Edition that was printed for private Use in the Year 1695, and corrected by a Manuscript Copy of very good Authority.” Cf. p. 438.

[10 c.] Same, in A collection of scarce and valuable tracts, on the most Interesting and Entertaining Subjects:… Selected from… Public, as well as Private Libraries; Particularly that of the late Lord Somers. Revised by eminent hands. Vol IV.

London: Printed for F. Cogan, at the Middle-Temple-Gate, in Fleet Street. M DCC XLVIII [1748]. 4°.–Pp. 73–79.

[10 d.] Same, etc., in A collection of scarce and valuable tracts… The second edition, revised, augmented, and arranged, by Walter Scott, Esq. Volume eighth.

London: Printed for T. Cadell and W. Davies, Strand… 1812. 4°.–Pp. 472–477.

[10 e.] Sir William Petty | his | Quantulumcunque | concerning | money. | To the Lord Marquess of Halyfax, | Anno 1682.

London: | Printed for A. and J. Churchill, at the | Black Swan, in Paternoster Row, 1695.

In A | select collection | of | scarce and valuable | tracts on money, | from the originals of | Vaughan, Cotton, Petty, Lowndes, Newton, | Prior, Harris, and others. | With a preface, notes, and index. | [Quotation, 4 lines]

London: | printed for the | Political Economy Club. | MDCCCLVI [1856]. 8°.–Pp. 157–167.

One hundred and twenty-five copies printed by the Political Economy Club of London for distribution among its members and their immediate friends. The tracts contained in the volume were taken from originals supplied by J. R. McCulloch, who also contributed the preface and notes.

[11.] The | fourth part | of the | Preszent State | of | England. | Relating | To its Trade and Commerce within it self, and | with all Countries traded to by the English, as | it is found at this Day Established, giving a most | exact account of the Laws and Customs of Merchants relating to Bills of Exchange, policies of | Ensurance, Fraights, Bottomery, Wreck, Averidge, Contributions, Customs, Coyns, Weights, | Measures, and all other matters relating to Inland | and Marine affairs. | To which is likewise added Englands Guide to Industry, or Improvement of Trade, for the good | of all People in General. | Written by a Person of Quality [i.e. Sir William Petty].

London, Printed by R. Holt for William Whitwood, near the George Inn in Little Britain, 1683.

Title, 1 l., To the Reader, signed: J. S., 1 l., contents, 4 ll., pp. 1–362, followed by:

England's | guide | to | industry: | or, | Improvement of Trade, | for the good of all People ‖ in general. | London, | Printed by R. Holt for T. Passinger at | the three Bibles on London-Bridge, and | B. Took at the Ship in St Pauls-Church-Yard. ‖ 1683.

Title, 1 l., preface, 5 ll., pp. 1–102, 12°. — Page 1 of England's Guide has this caption: “A Discourse of Trade. Being a Comparison between England and other parts of Europe, wherein the Incouragement of Industry is promoted in these Islands of Great Britain and Ireland.” England's Guide to Industry is a surreptitious issue of Petty's Political Arithmetick. Cf. p. 238 and pp. 122–123 of this book. In fact the whole Fourth Part of the Present State of England is fraudulent, cf. Wood, Athenœ Oxan., ed. Bliss, IV. 793.

[12 a.] Observations | upon the | Dublin-Bills | of | mortality, | MDCLXXXI. | and the | State of that city. | By the Observator on the London | Bills of mortality. | [Ornament.]

London: | Printed for Mark Pardoe, at the Sign of | the Black Raven, over against Bedford-house ‖ in the Strand. 1683.

Title, 1 l., pp. 1–8, postscript to the stationer, 2 ll., and 3 folding tables not included in the pagination, 8°.

[12b–h.] See 20 a, 26 a–e and 27.

[13 a.] Another | essay | in | Political Arithmetick, | Concerning the Growth of the | city of London: | with the | Measures, Periods, Causes, | and Consequences thereof ‖ 1682. | By Sir William Petty, Fellow of the | Royal Society.

London: Printed by H. H. for Mark Pardoe, at the Black | Raven, over against Bedford-House, in the Strand. 1683.

Pp. 1–47, 8°. On p. 47, after “finis,” is this advertisement: “Observations upon the Dublin Bills of Mortality M.Dc.IXXXI. And the state of that City. By the Observator on the London Bills of Mortality. In Octavo.” See p. xlii of the Introduction.

[13 b.] Same, in A | collection of the | yearly bills | of | mortality, | From 1657 to 1758 inclusive. | Together with several other Bills of an earlier Date | To which are subjoined | I. Natural and Political Observations on the bills of mortality: by Capt. | John Graunt, F.R.S. reprinted from the sixth [sic] edition, 1676. | II. Another essay in political arithmetic, concerning the growth of the | city of London; with the measures, periods, causes, and consequences | thereof. By Sir William Petty, Kt. F.R.S reprinted from the edition ‖ printed at London in 1683. | III. Observations on the past growth and present state of the city of London, ‖ reprinted from the edition printed at London in 1751; with | a continuation of the tables to the end of the year 1757. By Corbyn | Morris, Esq, F.R.S. | IV. A comparative view of the diseases and ages, and a table of the probabilities ‖ of life, for the last thirty years. By J[ames] P[ostlethwayt] Esq; F.R.S.

London: | Printed for A. Millar in the Strand. | MDCCLIX [1759]. 4°.–Pp. 63–76.

Dr Thomas Birch is commonly regarded as the editor of this Collection. Cf. Ogle's Inquiry into the Trustworthiness of the Old Bills of Mortality, in Jour. of the Stat. Soc., IV. 442; Dict. of Natl. Btogr., s v. Birch. But James Milne, writing about 1824, says, upon the authority of Dr William Heberden, the younger (1767–1845), that “the bills were collected into a volume by his father, the late D1 Heberden [1710–1801]. He procured likewise observations from several of his friends, rectors of some large parishes, or others likely to give him information; particularly from Bishop Mess, Bishop Squire, and Dr Birch. These, together with some of his own results, were thrown into the form of a preface; and the whole was committed to the care of Dr Birch. To make the calculations which appear at the end of the book, Dr Heberden employed James Postlethwayt, Esq., a very distinguished arithmetician.” Suppl. to the 4th, 5th, and 6th Editions of the Encyclopœdia Britannica, 11. 306.

[13 c–i.] See 17 a, 26 a–e, 27.

[14.] Experiments to be made relating to Land-Carriage, proposed by the learned Sr. William Petty Kt. In Philosophical Transactions, Vol. XIV., no. 161, pp. 666–667, 20 July, 1684.

[15 a.] Some Queries whereby to Examine Mineral Waters by the Learned Sir William Petty Knight. In Philosophical Transactions. Vol. XIV., no. 166, pp. 802–803, 20 December, 1684.

[15 b.] 32: Quaeres for the Tryal of Mineral Waters; by the Honourable Sir William Petty, Knight. In The Natural History of Wiltshire by John Aubrey, R.S.S. edited by John Britton.

Published by the Wiltshire Topographical Society. London. MDCCCXLVII [1847]. 4°.–pp. 26.

[16.] A Miscellaneous Catalogue of Mean, vulgar, cheap and simple Experiments. Drawn up by Sr. William Petty, President of the Dublin Society, and by Him presented to that Society. In Philosophical Transactions. Vol. xv., no 167, pp. 849–853, 28 January, 1685.

Birch says that at the meeting of the Royal Society held 10 Dec., 1684, “upon mentioning sixty-three miscellaneous experiments proposed by Sir William Petty as desiderata, a paper containing them, which had latterly been printed at Dublin, was read, and being very well approved of, was ordered to be reprinted here.” Hist. of the Roy. Soc., IV. 346. I have not found a copy of the Dublin issue.

[17 a.] An | essay | Concerning the | Multiplication of Mankind: | Together with another | essay | in | Political Arithmetick, | Concerning the Growth of the | City of London: | with the | Measures, Periods, Causes, and Consequences ‖ thereof. 1682. | The Second Edition Revised and Enlarged. | By Sir William Petty, | Fellow of the Royal Society. | Licensed, Rob. Midgeley. | Jan. 9. 1686.

London: Printed for Mark Pardoe, at the Black Raven | over against Bedford-house in the Strand. 1686.

Title, 1 l., pp. 1–50, 8°.— On p. 50, after “finis,” is this advertisement: “Observations on the Doublin Bills of Mortality MDCLXXXI., and the State of that City, by Sir William Petty, Fellow of the Royal Society. Sold by Mark Pardoe at the Black Raven in the Strand.” See pp. xlii, liii of the Introduction.

[17 b–g.] See 26 a–e, 27.

[18 a.] Deux essays | d'arithmetique politique, | touchant | les villes | de | Londres | et | Paris. | Dediés au roy, | Par le Chevalier Petty, de la Société Royale.

A Londres, | Chés B.G., et se vendent par Francois Vaillant, | Marchand Libraire demeurand dans le Strand, vis | à vis l'Église Francoise de la Savoye. 1686.

Title, I l., dedication, I l., pp. 1–6, 4°. — This version of the Two Essays, said to be a translation from the English edition licensed 26 August, 1686 (cf. p. 502), appears to have been published before the English orginal.

[18 b.] Two | essays | in | Political Arithmetick, | Concerning the | People, Housing, Hospitals, &c | of | London and Paris. | By Sir William Petty, | Fellow of the Royal Society. | –Qui sciret Regibus uti | Fastidiret olus–

London, | Printed for J. Lloyd in the Middle Exchange | next Salisbury-House in the Strand. 1687.

I l., recto blank, verso imprimatur, title, I l., epistle dedicatory, I l., pp. 1–21, memorandum, I l., 8°.

[18 c–h.] See 26 a–e and 27. In the Philosophical Transactions for the Years 1686 and 1687, Vol. XVI. no. 183, p. 152, July, August and September, 1686, there is An Extract of two Essays in Political Arithmetick concerning the comparative Magnitudes, &c. of London and Paris by Sr William Petty, Knight, R.R.S. This is printed on p. 513.

[19.] A further Assertion of the Propositions concerning the | Magnitude, &c. of London, contained in two Essays | in Political Arithmetick; mentioned in Philos. Transact ‖ Numb. 183; together with a Vindication of the | said Essays from the Objections of some Learned Persons | of the French Nation, by Sr. W. Petty Knt. R.S.S.

Caption as above, followed by text, pp. 1–4, 4°. — Reprinted from Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society, Vol. XVI. no. 185, pp. 237–240, Nov. & Dec., 1686. The reprint is repaged, but without title-page, & retains the original signatures, Gg and Gg 2.

[20 a.] Further | observation | upon the | Dublin-Bills: | or, | accompts | of the | Houses, Hearths, Baptisms, | And Burials in that | city. The Second Edition, Corrected and Enlarg'd. | By Sir William Petty, | Fellow of the Royal Society.

Lonon [sic]: | Printed for Mark Pardoe, at the Sign of | the Black Raven, over-against Bed-ford-House ‖ in the Strand. 1686.

Title, verso, the stationer to the reader, I l., pp. 1–6, followed by Observations upon the Dublin-Bills of Mortality, 1681, as described above, no. 12 a, 8°.

[20b–g.] See 26 a–e and 27.

[21 a.] Observations | upon the | cities | of | London | and Rome. | By Sir William Petty, | Fellow of the Royal Society.

London, | Printed for Henry Mortlocke, at the Phœnix, in | St. Paul's Church-Yard, and J. Lloyd, in the middle | Exchange next Salisbury-House in the Strand. 1687.

I l., recto blank, verso imprimatur, title, I l., pp. 1–4, 8°.

[21 b–g.] See 26 a–e and 27.

[22 a.] Cinq essays | sur | L'Arithmetique Politique. | I. On Répond aux Objections tireés de | la Ville de Rey en Perse, & a celles de | Mr. Auzout contre les deux premiers Essays, ‖ & l'on fait voir qu'il y a autant de | monde a Londres qu'a Paris, Rome & | Rouen pris ensemble. | II. Comparaison entre Londres & Paris en | 14 choses particuliers. | III. Preuves qu'il demeure dans les 134 paroisses ‖ de Londres marquées dans les billets de mortalité, environ 696 mille personnes. | IV. Combien l'on estime qu'il y a de monde | a Londres, Paris, Amsterdam, Venise, | Rome, Dublin, Bristol, & Rouen avec | plusieurs remarques sur ce Sujet. | V. Touchant la Hollande & les autres VII | Provinces Unies. | Par le Chevalier Petty de la | Société Royale. | Invidiam Augendo ulciscar.

A Londre, | Impremie pour Henry Mortlock au Phœnix dore dans le Cimetier de St. Paul. 1687.

Five essays | in | Political Arithmetick, | viz. | I. Objections from the City of Rey in | Persia, and from Monsr Auzout, against | two former Essays, answered, and that | London hath as many people as Paris, | Rome and Rouen put together. | II. A Comparison between London and | Paris in 14 particulars. | III. Proofs that at London, within its 134 | Parishes, named in the Bills of Mortality, ‖ there live about 696 Thousand | People, | IV. An estimate of the People in London, | Paris, Amsterdam, Venice, Rome, Dublin, | Bristoll and Rouen, with several observations ‖ upon the same. | V. Concerning Holland and the rest of | the VII United Provinces. | By Sir William Petty, | Fellow of the Royal Society. | Invidiam augendo ulciscar.

London, | Printed for Henry Mortlock at the Phœnix in | St. Paul's Church-yard. 1687.

I l., recto blank, verso imprimatur in French, 18 February, , I l., recto imprimatur in English, same date, verso French title, I l., recto English title, verso Epistre dedicatoire au Roy, concluded on verso of next (fourth) leaf, on whose recto begins the Epistle Dedicatory, To the King's Most Excellent Majesty. This is continued on the recto of leaf five, on whose verso begins page one of the French text. Facing it, on the recto of leaf six, begins page one of the English text. Each text extends to its page 51, 8°.

[22 b–g.] See 26 a–e and 27.

[22 h.] Handgreiffiche | Demonstration, | Dass die | Stadt London in Engeland mitihren ‖ Vorstadten allein viel machtiger, grosser, | und Volckreicher sey, | Nicht nur als die | Stadte Parise und Rouan, | mit ihren beyderseits Vorstadten zusammen, | Oder als die | Stadte Parise und Rome, | mit ihren beyderseits Vorstadten zusammen, | Sondern auch als | Alle diese drey vornehme und grosse Stadte, | mit allen ihren Vorstadten zusammen, | So dass London die grosseste Stadt, und das mächtigste ‖ Emporium der gantzen Welt sey, | Aus des beruhmten Rittern und der Konigl. Englischen | Societat-Curiosorum Verwandten Sr. Wilhelm Petty, | und anderer Authoren Schrifften ausgezogen.

Dantzig, | Gedruckt durch David Frienrich Rheten. | Zufinden bey Martin Hallervordt in Konigsberg. | Im Jahr 1693.

Pp. 1–24, 4°. — Title in red and black. The first 15 pp. are a loose version of the 1st, 2nd, 4th and 5th of Petty's Five Essays, the remainder is from other sources. Professor John writes that the translator was Gottfried Schultz. Cf. p. 318 note.

[22 i.] Handgreiffliche Demonstration, | Dass die | Stadt London in Engeland mitihren Vorstadten allein viel machtiger, grosser, | und Volckreicher sey, | Nicht nur als die | Stadte Paris und Rouan, | mit | ihren beyderseits Vorstädten zusammen, | Oder als die | Stadte Parise und Rome, | mit ihren beyderseits Vorstadten zusammen, | Sondern auch als | Alle diese drey vornehme und grosse Stadte, mit allen ihren Vorstadten zusammen, | So dass | London die grossete Stadt, und das machtigste ‖ Emporium der gantzen Welt sey, | Aus des beruhmten Rittern und der Konigl. Englischen | Societat-Curiosum Verwandten Sr. William Petty, | und anderer Authoren Schrifften ausgezogen.

Dantzig: Zu finden bey Michael Werthen, Anno 1724.

Pp. 1–24, 4°. — A reissue of the 1693 edition, with a new title-page.

[23 a.] Political Arithmetick, | or | a discourse | Concerning, The Extent and Value of Lands, People, | Buildings; Husbandry, Manufacture [∗], | Commerce, Fishery, Artizans, Seamen, | Soldiers; Publick Revenues, Interest, | Taxes, Superlucration, Registries, Banks; | Valuation of Men, Increasing of Seamen, | of Militia's, Harbours, Situation, Shipping, ‖ Power at Sea, &c. As the same | relates to every Country in general, but | more particularly to the Territories of | His Majesty of Great Britain, and his | Neighbours of Holland, Zealand, and | France. | By Sir William Petty, | Late Fellow of the Royal Society.

London, Printed for Robert Clavel at the Peacock, | and Hen. Mortlock at the Phœnix in St. Paul's | Church-yard. 1690.

I l., verso imprimature 7 Nov. 1690, title, I l., dedication, 2 ll., preface, 5 ll., the principal conclusions, 2 ll., errata, I l., pp. 1–117, 8°.— ∗ Here a space. The letter “s” has apparently fallen out.

[23 b.] Political Arithmetick, | or | a discourse | Concerning, | The Extent and Value of Lands, People, | Buildings; Husbandry, Manufacture [∗], | Commerce, Fishery, Artizans, Seamen, | Soldiers; Publick Revenues, Interest, | Taxes, Superlucration, Registries, Banks, | Valuation of Men, Increasing of Seamen, | of Militia's Harbours, Situation, Shipping, ‖ Power at Sea, &c. As the same | relates to every Country in general, but | more particularly to the Territories of | His Majesty of Great Britain, and his | Neighbours of Holland, Zealand, and | France. | By Sir William Petty, | Late Fellow of the Royal Society.

London, Printed for Robert Clavel at the Peacock, | and Hen. Mortlock at the Phœnix in St. Paul's | Church-Yard. 1691.

I l., verso imprimatur 7 Nov. 1690, title, I l., dedication, 2 ll., preface, 5 ll., the principal conclusions, 2 ll., eriata, 1 l., pp. 1–117, 8°.— ∗ Here a space. The letter “s” has apparently fallen out.

[23 c.] Political | arithmetick; | or; a | discourse | concerning | The Extent and Value of | Lands, People, Buildings; | Husbandry, Manufacture, | Commerce, Fishery, Artizans, ‖ Seamen, Soldiers; | Publick ‖ Revenues, Interest, Taxes, Superlucration, Registries, | Banks; Valuation of men, | Increasing of Seamen, of Militia's, Harbours, Situation, | shipping, Power at Sea, etc. | As the same relates to every | Country in general, but more | particularly to the territories | of his majesty of Great Britain, and his neighbours of | Holland, Zealand, and France. | By Sir William Petty, | late fellow of the royal society.

Glasgow, | printed and sold by Robert and Andrew foulis | MDCCLI [1751].

Half-title, I l., pp.[I]–x, [11]–97, 8°.— Appended, with separate title-page and pagination but continuous signatures, is Moyle's translation of Xenophon Upon the Revenues of Athens, which is also mentioned on the half-title.

[23 d.] Same, 1691 edition, in Scarce | Tracts | on | Trade and Commerce | serving as | a Supplement | to | Davenant's Works. | In Two Volumes. | Vol. II. | Published by Sir Charles Whitworth.

London: | Printed for Hooper and Davis, No 25, Ludgate-Hill, | and G. Robinson, Pater-Noster Row. | MDCCLXXVIII [1778]. 8°.

[23 e.] Same, 1690 edition, in An English Garner Ingatherings from our history and literature By Edward Arber, F.S.A. &c. [Quotations.] Volume VI.

E. Arber, 1 Montague Road, Birmingham, England 1 May, 1883. 4°.–Pp. 323–388.

[23 f–j.] See 26 a–d and 27.

[24 a.] The | Political Anatomy | of Ireland. | With | The Establishment for that Kingdom when the late Duke of Ormond | was Lord Lieutenant. Taken from the | Records. To which is added | Verbum Sapienti; or an Account of the | Wealth and Expences of England, and the Method | of raising Taxes in the most Equal manner. | Shewing also, That the Nation can bear the Charge | of Four Millions per Annum, when the occasions of | the Government require it. | By Sir William Petty, late Fellow | of the Royal Society, and Surveyor-General ‖ of the Kingdom of Ireland. |

London: | Printed for D. Brown, and W. Rogers, at the Bible | without Temple-Bar, and at the Sun over-against | St. Dunstans Church, Fleet-street. 1691.

Title, 1 l., epistle dedicatory 3 ll., preface 1 l., advertisements 1 l., contents, 2 ll., pp. 1–205, half-title of Verbum Sapienti, 1 l., pp. 1–24, 8°. — Signatures continuous throughout.

[24 b.] Sir William Petty's | Political Survey | of | Ireland, | with the | Establishment of that Kingdom, ‖ when the Late Duke of Ormond ‖ was Lord Lieutenant; | and also | An exact list of the present Peers, | Members of Parliament, and principal | Officers of State. | To which is added, | An Account of the Wealth and Expences ‖ of England, and the Method ‖ of raising Taxes in the most equal | manner. | Shewing likewise that England can bear | the Charge of Four Millions per Ann. when | the Occasions of the Government require it. | The Second Edition, carefully corrected, | with Additions. | By a Fellow of the Royal Society.

London: Printed for D. Browne, at the Black Swan, W. | Mears, at the Lamb; F. Clay, at the Bible and Star, | all without Temple-Bar; and J Hooke, at the Flower-de-Luce, against St. Dunstans-Church in Fleet-Street, 1719.

Title, 1 l., dedication, 2 ll., preface, 1 l., contents, 3 ll., errata, 1 l., pp. 1–223, followed by Verbum sapienti, pp. 1–26, signatures continuous, 8°.

[24 c.] Same, 1691 edition, in A | collection | of | Tracts and Treatises | illustrative of the | natural history, antiquities, | and the | Political and Social State | of Ireland, | At various periods prior to the present Century. | In two volumes. | Vol. II. | Treatises by Sir William Petty, Bishop Berkeley, Prior, | and Dobbs. | With an Index.

Dublin: | reprinted by | Alex. Thom & sons, Abbey-Street. | MDCCCLXI [1861]. 8°.–Pp. 1–144.

This Collection was compiled by Mr Thom. Cf. Webb, Irish Biography, 594.

[24 d.] See 27.

[25.] An | account | Of several | New Inventions and Improvements | Now necessary for England, | In a Discourse by way of letter | to the | Earl of Marlbourgh [sic], | Relating to | Building of our English Shipping, | Planting of Oaken Timber in the Forrests, | Apportioning of Publick Taxes, | The Conservacy of all our Royal Rivers, in | particular that of the Thames, | The Surveys of the Thames, &c. | Herewith is also published at large | The Proceedings relating to the Mill'd-Lead-sheathing, ‖ and the Excellency and | cheapness of Mill'd-Lead in preference to | Cast Sheet-Lead for all other purposes | whatsoever. | Also | A Treatise of naval philosophy, written ‖ by Sir Will. Petty. | The whole is submitted to the Consideration of our English | Patriots in Parliament Assembled.

London, Printed for James Astwood, and are to | be Sold by Ralph Simpson at the Harp in St. Pauls | Church-yard. MDCXCI [1691].

1 l., recto blank, verso imprimatur 6 March, 1690, title, 1 l., table 6 ll., pp. 1–cxxv. followed by:

The New Invention of mill'd lead for Sheathing of Ships against the Worm… London, Printed in the year 1691.

Title, 1 l., table, 8 ll., pp. 1–132, 2 folded sheets, 12°. The signatures are continuous from p. 1 through the unnumbered ll. following the second title-page, likewise from the second p. 1 to the end. Contains, beginning at p. 117:

A | Treatise | of | Naval Philosophy. | In three parts. | I. A Phisico-Mathematical Discourse ‖ of Ships and Sailing. | II. Of Naval Policy. | III. Of Naval Oeconomy or | Husbandry.

[26 a.] Several | essays | in | Political | Arithmetick: | The Titles of which follow in the | Ensuing Pages. | By | Sir William Petty, | Late Fellow of the Royal Society.

London: | Printed for Robert Clavel at the Peacock, and Henry Mortlock at the Phœnix in St. Paul's | Church-Yard. 1699.

1 l., recto blank, verso license to print the Political Arithmetick, dated 7 November, 1690, title, 1 l., contents, 1 l., pp. 1–276, 8°.–Contains an Essay concerning the Multiplication of Mankind, Further Observations upon the Dublin Bills of Mortality, Two Essays in Political Arithmetick, Observations upon the Cities of London and Rome, Five Essays in Political Arithmetick, and the Political Arithmetick of 1690. Each of these has a separate title page. The first two are dated 1698, the others, 1699. The Five Essays are printed in French and in English on opposite pages.

[26 b.] Essays | in | Political Arithmetick; | or, a | discourse | Concerning | The Extent and Value of Lands, People, Buildings; | Husbandry, Manufacture, Commerce, ‖ Fishery, Artizans, Seamen, Soldiers; | Publick Revenues, Interest, Taxes, Superlucration, ‖ Registries, Banks; Valuation of | Men, Increasing of Seamen, of Militia's, | Harbours, Situation, Shipping, Power at | Sea, &c. As the same relates to every | Country in general, but more particularly | to the Territories of Her Majesty of Great | Britain, and her Neighbours of Holland, Zealand, | and France. | By Sir William Petty, | Late Fellow of the Royal Society.

London, | Printed for Henry and George Mortlock, at the Phœnix | in St. Paul's Church Yard. 1711.

Title, 1 l., pp. 1–276, 8°. — The sheets of the 1699 edition reissued with a new title-page.

[26 c.] Another edition. Edinburgh, 1751.–This I have not seen.

[26 d.] Several | essays | in | Political Arithmetick. | By | Sir William Petty, Knt. | and | Fellow of the Royal Society. | The fourth edition, Corrected. | To which are prefix'd, memoirs | of the | author's life.

London: | Printed for D. Browne, without Temple-Bar; J. Shuckburgh, ‖ at the Sun, and J. Whiston and B. White, | at Boyle's Head in Fleet-Street. | M. DCC. LV [1755].

Pp. I–IV. I–VI. 1–184, advertisements, 1 l., 8°. — Contents the same as the 1699 edition save for the omission of the French version of the Five Essays and the insertion of the “memoirs of the author's life.”

[26 e.] Cassell's national library. | Essays | on | Mankind and Political | Arithmetic. | By | Sir William Petty. | [Woodcut.]

Cassell & Company, Limited, 104 & 106 Fourth Avenue, New York. [1888.]

Pp. [1]–192.—Forms Vol. III. no. 145 of Cassell's National Library. Edited with an introduction by H[enry] M[orley]. Reprinted from the 1699 edition of the Several Essays, with the omission of the Political Arithmetick, for which is substituted (pp. 133–192) an account “Of the people of England. Founded upon the calculations of Gregory King, Lancaster Herald, and forming part of ‘An essay [by Charles Davenant] upon the probable methods of making a people gainers in the balance of trade,’ published in 1699.” There is also an issue with the imprint London, Paris, New York and Melbourne.

[27.] Tracts; | chiefly relating to | Ireland. | Containing: | I. A Treatise of taxes and contributions. ‖ | II. Essays in political arithmetic. | III. The political anatomy of Ireland. | By the late Sir William Petty. | To which is prefixed | his last will. | [Ornament.]

Dublin: | Printed by Boulter Grierson, Printer to the | King's Most Excellent Majesty. | MDCCLXIX [1769].

Pp. I–XXIV. 1–488, 8°. – The Treatise of Taxes is reprinted from the edition of 1679 (6 c), the Essays from that of 1699 (26 a), the Political Anatomy from that of 1719 (24 b).

[28.] Of making cloth with sheeps wool. In History of the Royal Society… By Thomas Birch… Vol. 1.

London: Printed for A. Millar in the Strand. MDCCLVI [1756]. 4°.–Pp. 55–65.

[29.] The Elements of Ireland, and of its Religion and Policy, by Sir William Petty, Fellow of ye Royal Society, 1687. (Printed in part in W. H. Hardinge's paper On an Unpublished Essay on Ireland, by Sir William Petty, 1687, in The Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy. Volume XXIV. Antiquities.

Dublin: Published by the Academy. 1873. 4°–Pp. 371–377.)

[30.] What a Compleat Treatise of Navigation should contain. Drawn up in the Year 1685, by Sir William Petty, late Fellow of the Royal Society. In Philosophical Transactions, Vol. XVI. no. 198, pp. 657–658, March, 1693.

[31.] History | of the | Cromwellian survey of Ireland, | a.d. 1655–6, | commonly called “The Down Survey.” | Edited, | from manuscripts in the libraries of Trinity College, Dublin, the King's Inns, Dublin, | and the Marquis of Lansdowne, | by | Thomas Aiskew Larcom, | F.R.S., M.R.I.A., Etc., | Major, Royal Engineers. | [Woodcut.]

Dublin: | for the Irish Archæological Society. | MDCCCLI [1851].

Title, I l., list of officers, I l., pp. i–xxiii. 1–426, 4°.

[32.] Observations upon the trade in Irish cattle.

Without place or date. Broadsheet–Description taken from no. 5597 of a Catalogue of the most extensive, valuable and truly interesting collection of curious books now on sale in this or any other country. Offered by Thomas Thorpe, 178, Piccadilly, London [1842], 8°. Cf. note on p. 161.

[33.] A Geographicall Description of ye Kingdom of Ireland. | Collected from ye actual Survey made by Sr. William Petty | Corrected & amended, by the advice, & assistance, of severall Able | Artists, late Inhabitants of that Kingdom. | Containing one General Mapp, of ye whole Kingdom, with | four Provincial Mapps, & 32. County Mapps, divided into | Baronies, where in are discribed ye Cheife Cities, Townes, Rivers, | Harbours and Head-lands, &ca. | To which is added a Mapp of Great Brittaine and Ireland, | together with an Index of the whole. | Being very usefull for all Gentlemen, and | Military Officers, as well for Sea, as for Land Service.

Engraven & Published for ye benefit of ye Publique, by Fra: Lamb. | and are to be Sold at his House in Newgate streete, next door but one | to ye White Swan, toward ye Gate. By Rob: Morden at ye Atlas in Cornhill. | Will: Berry at the Globe at Charing Cross And by | John Seller Ju: at ye West end of St Pauls London. [No date.]

Engraved title with engraved border on double page, index I l., 38 doublepage maps, about 6 x 4½ inches. Also issued on large paper with coloured maps and the imprint: By John Seller Sold | at His Shop at the Hermitage in | Wapping.

[34.] Hiberniae | Delineatio quoàd hactenus | licuit, Perfectissima | Studio Guilielmi Petty Eqtis: Aurati. | Continens tabulas sequentes vulgò dictas | A Generall Map of Ireland I | The Province of Leinster 2 | The Province of Munster 3 | The Province of Ulster 4 | The Province of Connaught 5 ‖ In Leinster Louth and Dublin 6 | East Meath 7 | West Meath 8 | Longford 9 | Kings County 10 | Queen's County 11 | Catherlogh 12 | Kildare 13 | Kilkenny | 14 Wicklow 15 | Wexford 16 ‖ In Munster | Clare 17 | Tipperary 18 | Lymrick 19 | Waterford 20 | Corke 21 | Kerry 22 ‖ In Ulster | Dunnagall 23 | Londonderry 24 | Tyrone 25 | Antrim 26 | Downe 27 | Ardmagh 28 | Monaghon 29 | Fermanagh 30 | Cavan 31 ‖ In Connaught | Letrun 32 | Mayo 33 | Slego 34 | Roscommon 35 | Gallway 36.

No place or date, folio. Most copies have prefixed a portrait of “Sr William Petty, 1683,” Edwyn Sandys sculp. The British Museum Catalogue of Printed Maps assigns this atlas to 1685. But the general map of Ireland (Sutton Nicholls sculp), which bears the title “An Epitome of Sr William Petty's Large Survey of Ireland. By Phillip Lea. At the Atlas and Hercules in Cheapside near Fryday Street London And in Westminster Hall near ye Court of Common Plea's,” contains an engraved advertisement of “The History of Ireland From the Conquest thereof by the English to this Time By Richard Cox Esqr. Printed For Joseph Watts at ye Angell in St Pauls Church Yard.” The first volume of Cox's ‘ History of Ireland was not published until 1689. Of the six copies of Hiberniœ Delineatio which I have seen, five lack the general map. Sometime between 1719 and 1751 George Grierson reissued this atlas with a dedication to Henry, Lord Shelburne. The different county maps from this atlas also occur separately.

SUPPLEMENT TO THE BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PETTY'S WORKS.

The “Collection of Sir William Petty's Works since the year 1636, found at Wycombe, in his own handwriting,” is here reprinted from Fitzmaurice's “Life of Petty” as a supplement to the bibliography of his printed works. To the items which are now known to exist in print, their numbers in the Bibliography have been added.

Oxford.
1649. Six Phisico-Medicall Lectures, read at Oxford,

1655. The Grand Survey of Ireland. [Pp. xvi–xx.]

2656. Severall Reports about setting the Quarters
and Soldiers.

1657. Breviar-ia, Clerk of the Council.

1658. Letters, etc., between the Protector and the
Lieut. Gov. of Ireland.

1659. The History of the Survey and first Distribution
of Lands in Ireland [3].

1660. Brev: against Sankey [4], and Sir William
Petty's own apology [?5].

166o. Observations on the Bills of Mortality [cf.
Introduction, pt. iii].

1661. A Discourse about Registry, and Settlement
of Ireland.

1665.
Verbum Sapienti,
and the value of
People [24].

   English Translation of Hermes, per Alex.
Brome.

1667.
Lawsuits.

1668.
Poemata Glanarita.

1669.
Severall Latine Epigrams.

1670.
Anatomia Politica Hiberniæ [24].

1671.
Political Arithmetick [23].

1682.
Quautulumcunque concerning money [10].

This list does not mention all the works which Petty wrote before 1682, and on the other hand it mentions some (e.g. in 1655, 1667) which were not written works at all. Two entries appear of what might be economic pamphlets. Of one, the “Discourse about Registry,” 1661, I have found no trace. The other, the “Discourse against transplanting into Connaught,” is described by Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice as a pamphlet entitled “A Discourse against the Transplantation into Connaught,” of which two editions are said to have been published at London, both anonymously, one in January and one in March, 1665.–Life of Petty, 32. A more exact title seems to be:

The great | case | of transplantation | in | Ireland | discussed: | or, | Certain Considerations, wherein the | many great inconveniencies in the transplanting ‖ the Natives of Ireland generally out of the three | Provinces of Leinster, Ulster, and Munster, into | the Province of Connaught, are shewn. | Humbly tendered to every individual Member | of Parliament, by a Well-wisher to the good of the Common-wealth of England. | [Ornament.]

London, Printed for John Cook, and are to be sold at | his shop at the sign of the Ship in St. Paul's | Churchyard. 1665.

Title, 1 l., pp. 1–32, 4°. There is also another edition having a title-page like the above in wording and disposition, but from different type, and this imprint: London, Printed for I. C., 1655.

In criticism of this pamphlet was published:

The interest of England in the Irish Transplantation, stated: Wherein is held forth to all concerned in Ireland's good settlement the benefits the Irish Transplantation will bring to each of them in particular, and to the Commonwealth in general, being chiefly intended as an Answer to a scandalous, seditious Pamphlet, entitled [The great Case of Transplantation in Ireland discussed]. Composed and published at the request of several persons in eminent place in Ireland, to the end all who desire it, might have a true Account of the Proceedings that have been there in the business of Transplantation, both as to the rise, progress, and end thereof. By a faithfull Servant of the Common-wealth, Richard Laurence.

London, Printed by Henry Hills, and to be sold at the Sign of Sir John Oldcastle near Py-Corner, MCDLV [1655].

Title, 1 l., pp. 1–29, 4°.

A reply soon appeared under the title:

The | author | and | Case of Transplanting | the | Irish into Connaught | vindicated, | from the unjust Aspersions of Col. Richard Laurence. | By Vincent Gookin Esquire. | [Ornament.]

London, Printed by A. M. for Simon Miller at the Signe of | the Starre in St. Pauls Church-yard. [May 12.] 1655.

Title, 1 l., epistle dedicatory, 1 l., pp. 1–59, 4°. — All three pamphlets are in the Halliday Collection in the Library of the Royal Irish Academy, in the Library of King's Inns, Dublin, and in the British Museum. An account of The Great Case may be found in Prendergast's Ciomwellian Settlement, pp. 54–64.

Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice's reason for regarding Petty as one of the authors of the first pamphlet is that “the published book bears the marks of joint authorship, the opening sentences–an elaborate medical comparison between the State and the human body–being altogether in Petty's style as well as the later portions, where the arguments are of exactly the same character as those in the Political Anatomy of Ireland, ch. IV.” These similarities do indeed strengthen the presumption of Petty's collaboration in “The Great Case” which may well arise from his mention of “A Discourse against the Transplanting into Ireland.” But they do not seem to me conclusive, and there are direct arguments against Petty's authorship. So far as the probabilities are concerned it may be noted that Gookin and Petty were personal friends and political allies , and as such would naturally take similar views of the Rebellion of 1641. This seems to me to account sufficiently for the parallelism between some passages of “The Great Case” and of the “Political Anatomy.” Nor does the use, of indefinite anatomical metaphors in a discussion of political facts, of necessity imply that the author of the “Case,” had had a medical education. The two most famous among modern biological sociologists were educated, one as a civil engineer, the other as a clergyman, but both make use of such figures of speech as Gookin employed, and the putative author of the twelfth chapter of First Corinthians was by trade a tent maker. On the other hand Gookin, upon the first page of his vindication, distinctly claims the sole authorship of “The Great Case.” He says: “Whilst anything of Reputation might have been the effect of writing the Case of Transplantation, I was content to take the labour to myself and leave the good to others: This was the reason of silencing my name at first. But now what I intended for good is come to be thought so ill, I must leave that resolution and assert my own act.… But though I did not think then fit to put my name in Print, yet did not that Trifle steal out in so clandestine a way as that the Parent was hid from all, but being laid at my door, I owned it.” Accordingly I regard Gookin as the author of “The Great Case of Transplantation,” and have not included it among Petty's Economic Works.

THE first edition of Graunt's Observations upon the Bills of Mortality was published between 25 January, 1662, the date of the first epistle dedicatory, and 5 February, 1662, when Graunt presented fifty copies to the Royal Society to be distributed among its members . In the world outside Gresham College as well as among the Fellows of the Royal Society, Graunt's work soon attracted attention. Pepys bought a copy at Westminster Hall, the 24 March , and the book proved so widely successful that a second edition was called for before the close of the year. With the return of the plague in the early summer of 1665, interest in the Observations revived. On the twentieth of June, at the same meeting at which the Council of the Royal Society recommended the Society to intermit their public weekly meetings until the present sickness should cease, it also ordered “that upon a report of Sir William Petty of his having perused the additions of Mr Graunt to his Observations upon the Bills of Mortality, the president be desired to license the reprinting of that book, together with such additions .” As the 4 July is the latest date in the “table shewing how many died weekly,” it is probable that the new edition appeared before the 11 July. It certainly appeared before the 25 July, on which day Brouncker sent to Pepys a copy of the book, “new printed and enlarged.” The enlargement of this third edition was effected chiefly by the addition of the appendix, the tables for Tiverton and Cranbrook, and the “table shewing how many died weekly”; the other changes, which are slight, are noted, in this reprint, where they occur. A “fourth impression,” reprinted from the third, soon appeared at Oxford. The latest date in the weekly table of this edition is the 26 September, and a copy of it in Cornell University Library bears the inscription “Ex dono Authoris Octob: 22° 1665.” No further edition was published during Graunt's life, but in 1676 a fifth edition was put out, it is said under Petty's supervision . To this, the completest edition, here reprinted, there were added “Some further Observations of Major John Graunt.” Since 1676 the Observations have been printed but once in English, viz. in A Collection of the Yearly Bills of Mortality from 1657 to 1758, London: 1759, which speaks erroneously of “the sixth edition, in 1676.” There is also an anonymous German translation published at Leipzig in 1702.

Petty's Quantulumcunque concerning Money was suggested, apparently, by the project of recoinage which was already under discussion when he came to London in June, 1682. The earliest allusion to the book occurs in his letter of 5 September to Southwell: “I have writ three sheets in answer to Thirty-one Questions concerning Money. If it take, for I renounce all judgment of my own, you shall have a copy .” These words, taken in connection with the fact that Halifax could not have been addressed as “Lord Marquess” earlier than 22 August, 1682 , cast some suspicion upon the date of 1681 which is assigned to the Quantulumcunque by Harleian MS. 1223 in the British Museum. This MS., moreover, appears to be of the eighteenth century, rather than of the seventeenth, and the pages containing the Quantulumcunque (ff. 169 seq.) are very carelessly written. Everything considered, the tract must be assigned to August or September, 1682.

In 1695, when the recoinage was imminent, the Quantulumcunque was privately printed in a quarto edition which has been followed in the present reprint. Of the alleged earlier editions in octavo I have failed to find a copy.

The Essays in Political Arithmetick, belong, in large part, to the fourth period of Petty's literary activity, and most, though not all of them were written in London. The circumstances which led to the writing of the various essays are indicated, so far as known, in connection with each essay severally. Petty never grouped the series, and it is uncertain who edited the collection published in 1699 . The order then adopted was chronological by date of publication, and it has been here adhered to save as regards the Political Arithmetick. That book, because first published (as supposed) in 1691, was made to follow the Five Essays, though it has little direct connection with them. I have transposed it to the first volume, a position which indicates more correctly its true chronological place among Petty's writings. The Essays thus follow Graunt's Observations, to which in subject and treatment they are more closely related than to Petty's other writings, and also precede the Treatise of Ireland, with which their chronological connection is most intimate.

The Essays were chiefly written in Petty's last years, when his health was much impaired , and were almost immediately put to press. No necessity for circulating them in MS. arose and no MSS. of them are known. They are here reprinted not from the posthumous collected edition of 1699, but from the several original editions, the proof of nearly all of which doubtless passed under Petty's eye.

Another Essay in Political Arithmetick was probably written in Ireland about 1681 , but was not sent to press until after Petty came to London in June, 1682 . Three years after the first edition, which is dated 1683, there appeared, under a changed title , a “second edition, revised and enlarged.” The revision extends only to a few verbal changes which are recorded in the footnotes of this reprint. The enlargement was affected by the addition of the stationer's address to the reader and the “extract of a letter” which are reprinted on pages 453 to 455. Aside from these pages the ensuing text conforms to that of the original edition issued in 1683. The Essay is reviewed in the Journal des Sçavans, 15 Mars, 1683.

The earliest known reference to the Dublin bills is an order in the city assembly roll for the fourth Friday after Christmas, 1658, for the treasurer of the city to pay, on Mr Mayor's wariant, to John Tadpole, fifty shillings sterling for his employment heretofore in bringing in the weekly bills of mortality within the city and the suburbs thereof . To these bills Petty turned his attention upon the first trip which he made to Dublin after the publication of Graunt's book . It was not, however, until after the death of his friend that he undertook his Observations upon them. Concerning the Observations he writes to Southwell, 25 November, 1682, that he will meddle no more with political arithmetic nor ratiocinations, but will turn beast and grow absurd, as the glorious men of the world are. The accompanying pamphlet is not a startling from his resolutions, “for it was put a printing when I first came to town , and hath been kept in hand by my brother beast Mark Pardo, the stationer… I would have you run to the city of Bristol with the same and bore their skulls with the same advice that is here given for Dublin .”

Petty's Two Essays concerning London and Paris, though first published in French, were originally written in English . They were probably finished between the 17 July, 1686, the day on which was licensed no. 180 of the Philosophical Transactions containing the account of Verbiest's journeys referred to in the first essay , and the 26 August of the same year, when the Two Essays were themselves approved .

AT the session of the Royal Society 22 December, 1686, Petty produced a defence of the Two Essays. The defence was read and the author promised to lodge it with the Society . The 29th December he gave in two notes about the magnitude of London and Paris, which were ordered with his leave to be printed . The two notes were accordingly published in the Philosophical Transactions for November and December, 1686 under the caption of A further Assertion of the Propositions concerning the Magnitude of London, etc. The first note is substantially identical with the first of the Five Essays as printed in 1687 and here reprinted—variations are indicated in the foot notes. The second note, reprinted on p. 537, is not unlike the theses of the Fourth Essay. At the next session of the Society, 5 January, 1687, Petty produced three more papers in answer to the objection of Mr. Auzout against his conclusion that London was greater than Paris and Rouen taken together. He permitted them to be read and it was ordered that Justel's pleasure should be known with regard to printing an extract of Auzout's letter with Petty's answers . Justel sent the following interesting reply:

[Endorsed by Southwell.] Mr Justel's note read Jan. 26 168 .

THE Treatise of Ireland, the last considerable product of Petty's pen, can be understood only by reference to his relations with James II. and to the purpose for which the Treatise was written. In Petty's experiments in ship-building and in his writings upon naval matters, James, as Lord High Admiral, had taken a lively interest. After his accession to the throne, he appears to have continued to repose confidence in Petty, granting him repeated interviews and encouraging his scheme for a royal statistical office. Petty thereupon fancied that his ideas concerning the management of Irish affairs would have weight with the King. At the same time his growing realization of the dangers involved in Tyrconnel's violent Catholic policy supplied him with a further motive for submitting to James those “political pastimes and paradoxes concerning a perpetual peace and settlement of Ireland” which had long occupied his attention. He accordingly embodied his ideas in A Treatise of Ireland, designed both to convey a warning lest the importance of the Protestant interest in that island be underestimated, and also to propose a plan for the final solution of the perennial Irish Question.

The date of the Treatise can be determined within a few weeks. It was completed after Petty had received the returns of the Irish customs for the midsummer quarter, 1687 and it was ready for presentation to the King by the first week in September

King James promptly appointed Petty's friend and admirer Pepys to examine the Treatise , but no steps were taken to execute its suggestions, and it was not even printed. The approach of the fatal disease of which Petty died three months later may well have prevented him from publishing the book himself, and when, in the years closely following the Revolution, the Political Arithmetick, the Political Anatomy of Ireland, and the Treatise of Naval Philosophy were finally printed, considerations of political expediency may have conspired with those based on the comparatively unfinished condition of the Treatise to deter his friends from giving it also to the world.

The Treatise is here reprinted from the Southwell or Nelligan MS. . whose history has been already traced . Of that MS. it occupies folios 52–129, neatly written in a hand similar to that of the Southwell Political Arithmetick and corrected at a few points by Petty himself.

In May, 1865, Mr. W. H. Hardinge submitted to the Royal Irish Academy an account of An unpublished Essay on Ireland by Sir William Petty , then in the collection of the Marquis of Lansdowne. It is evident from Mr Hardinge's quotations that the unpublished essay was, in part at least, identical with the present Treatise. Inasmuch, however, as the Lansdowne MS. had but twenty-nine “pages” (size not specified), while the Southwell copy of the Treatise, including the Dialogue, extends to seventy-seven folio leaves rather closely written upon both sides, it is improbable that the Lansdowne MS. contained all that is here printed. It is impossible, however, to be certain in respect of this matter, as Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice, Petty's descendant and biographer, kindly informs me that the MS. which Mr Hardinge saw cannot now be found.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE NATURAL AND POLITICAL OBSERVATIONS.

Natural and Political | observations | Mentioned in a following Index, | and made upon the | Bills of Mortality. | By John Graunt, | Citizen of London. | With reference to the Government, Religion, Trade, | Growth, Ayre, Diseases, | and the several Changes of the | said City. | –Non, me ut miretur Turba, laboro, | Contentus paucis Lectoribus.–

London, Printed by Tho: Roycroft, for John Martin, James Allestry, | and Tho: Dicas, at the Sign of the Bell in St. Paul's | Church-yard, MDCLXII [1662].

Title, 1 l., epistles dedicatory, 3 ll., index, 4 ll., pp. 1–79, 82–85 and 2 folding tables not included in the pagination, 4°. — The verso of p. 79 is misnumbered 82.

Natural and Political observations, Mentioned in a following Index, | and made upon the | Bills of Mortality. | By John Graunt, | Citizen of London. | With references to the Government, Religion, Trade, | Growth, Ayr, Diseases, and the several Changes of the | said City. | –Non, me ut miretur Turba, laboro, Contentus paucis Lectoribus.– | The Second Edition.

London, | Printed by Tho: Roycroft, For John Martin, James Allestry, | and Tho: Dicas, at the Sign of the Bell in St. Paul's | Church-yard, MDCLXII [1662].

Title, 1 l., epistles dedicatory, 3 ll., index, 4 ll., pp. 1–79, and 2 folding tables not included in the pagination, 4°.

Natural and Political observations Mentioned in a following Index, | and made upon the Bills of Mortality. | By | Capt. John Graunt, | Fellow of the Royal Society. | With reference to the Government, Religion, | Trade, Growth, Air, Diseases, and the | several Changes of the said City. | – Non, me ut miretur Turba, laboro, | Contentus paucis Lectoribus.– | The Third Edition, | much Enlarged.

London, | Printed by John Martyn, and James Allestry, | Printers to the Royal Society, and are to be sold at the | sign of the Bell in St. Pauls Church-yard. | MDCLXV [1665].

1 l., recto blank, verso order of the Council of the Royal Society to print, title, 1 l., epistles dedicatory, 7 ll., index 6 ll., 1 blank l., pp. 1–205, and two folding tables not included in the pagination, 4°.

Natural and Political | observations | Mentioned in a following Index, | and made upon the | Bills of Mortality. | By | Capt. John Graunt, | Fellow of the Royal Society. | With reference to the Government, Religion, | Trade, Growth, Air, Diseases, and the | several Changes of the said City. |– Non, me ut miretur Turba, laboro, Contentus paucis Lectoribus.– | The Fourth Impression.

Oxford, | Printed by William Hall, for John Martyn, | and James Allestry, Printers to the | Royal Society, MDCLXV [1665].

1 l., recto blank, verso order of Royal Society to print, title, 1 l., epistles dedicatory, 7 ll., index 6 ll., 1 blank l., pp. 1–205, and two folding tables not included in the pagination, 8°.

Natural and Political | observations Mentioned in a following index, | and made upon the | Bills of Mortality. | By Capt. John Graunt, | Fellow of the Royal Society. | With reference to the Government, Religion, | Trade, Growth, Air, Diseases, and the | several Changes of the said city. |–Non, me ut miretur Turba, laboro, Contentus paucis Lectoribus.– | The Fifth Edition, much Enlarged.

London, | Printed by John Martyn, Printer to the | Royal Society, at the Sign of the Bell in St. Paul's | Church-yard. MDCLXXVI [1676].

1 l., recto blank, verso, order of Royal Society to print, title 1 l., epistles dedicatory, 9 ll., index, 6 ll., preface 3 ll., pp. 1–150, and two folding tables not included in the pagination, 8°. —According to Dr Campbell and James Milne this edition was prepared by Petty.

The Natural and political observations were also reprinted by Dr W. Heberden in his Collection of the yearly bills of mortality, 1759. See no. 13 b of the bibliography of Petty.

Natürliche und politische | Anmerckungen | über die | Todten-Zettul | der stadt London [sic], furnemlich ihre regierung, religion, gewerbe, vermehrung, | lufft, kranckheiten, und besondere veranderungen | betreffend. | Anfangs | in Englischer sprache abgefasset, | und offtermals durch den druck herausgegeben | vom | Capitain Johannes Graunt, | Mitgleid der Konigl. Societ. | nun | aber | um des grossen nutzens willen, der dem gemeinen | wesen Teutschlands insgemein, und iedes orts | insonderheit aus solchen todten-registern zuwachsen | kan, | ins Deutsche ubersetzet. | [Woodcut.]

Leipzig, bey Thomas Fritschen, 1702.

Title, 1 l., Vorrede des Ubersetzers (sic), 2 ll., Zuschriften Graunts, 4 ll., Vorrede des Autoris, 1 l., Register, 4 ll., pp. 1–112, 1 folded table, 12°. — The translator was Dr Gottfried Schultz of Breslau. See p. 318 note.

Note: Graunt did not write the “Reflections On the weekly Bills of Mortality For the Cities of London and Westminster and the places adjacent: But more especially so far as they relate to the plague… London: Printed for Samuel Speed, at the Rainbow in Fleet street. 1665.” This pamphlet was issued in two editions, both in quarto. All that is of value in either of them was filched from Graunt, but their compiler appears to have drawn liberally from his own imagination also. They were promptly denounced as spurious by John Bell, clerk to the Company of Parish Clerks, in his “London's Remembrancer” issued in the same year. Cf. pp. xliii, 426.

LIST OF BOOKS AND MANUSCRIPTS USED.

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ERRATA.

Page | vii, note, | for | More | read | Moore.
Page | lxxxi, note 4, | for | Marrilac | read | Marillac.
Page | 214, last line, | for | 1,1001000 | read | 1,100,000.
Page | 238, note 3, | for | Ibid. | read | Fitzmaurice.
Page | 512, line 11, | for | Argier | read | Algier.
Page | 547, line 12, | for | Nelligan | read | Neligan.